|E D I T O R I A L
P A G E
Thursday, May 13, 1999
No alliances at national
advantage of forest fires
Akali leaders trial
ON Saturday Prime Minister Vajpayee met President Narayanan and everyone believed that the two had redefined the prerogatives of the government and the constraints of the caretaker regime. Within 48 hours, on Monday, the Union Cabinet gave the nod for the eventual privatisation of Indian Airlines and served quit notice on two Governors. The first one is a major policy decision and commits the incoming government to a radically altered matrix of PSU reforms. Also, the move goes far beyond what Parliament has so far discussed and approved. Clearly then the caretaker government is violating the convention of not initiating any substantial move. The directive to the Governors of West Bengal and Arunachal Pradesh to resign falls in a different category. It seems that the Prime Minister sounded the President about making some new arrangements in Raj Bhavans since the Gujral-led caretaker government had appointed two Governors, and there are two vacancies in Bihar and Orissa. But what it has now done is radically different from what was done last year. At that time vacancies were filled in Goa and Mizoram and no working Governor was sacked. The present government is virtually dismissing incumbents, one because he has incurred the wrath of an ally, the Trinamool Congress, and the other for some unknown reason. The government argues that the term of both expired in the middle of last year and hence asking them to resign does not constitute any policy decision. Actually, the same argument can be made to stand on its head; if they could continue for so many months, what was the hurry in seeing the back of them now? The fact is that the BJP-led alliance was always vulnerable to pressure from allies and it is clear that even when reduced to being an interim arrangement, it continues to be vulnerable to pressure. (It has repatriated a senior Tamil Nadu IAS officer at the behest of the new ally, the DMK.)
Conspiracy theorists see
in the Governor case additional proof of differences
between the Prime Minister and the Union Home Minister.
Mr Vajpayee has committed the government to observe
restraints but Mr Advani bristles at this and the matter
falls in his Ministrys domain. More than the
action, it is the attitude of the BJP that is
disquieting. Party spokesman and senior Vice-President
K.L. Sharma, when asked to comment on the angry protests
of the opposition, said airily: We protested then
(when the Gujral government appointed Governors) and they
protest now. Where is the problem? But there is a
big problem. The BJP has always held lofty views on
Governors. In its election manifesto last year, it
promised to stop the practice of making Raj Bhavans the
extension counters of the Union Home Ministry and also
the practice of foisting them on states. But within days
of coming to power, it placed three veteran RSS workers
in three Raj Bhavans and reduced one of them to the
status of a spokesman of the Home Ministry at Patna. Now
it has gone and shown the door to one Governor belonging
to the minority community and the other from backward
castes. This is a crude way of describing the action, but
it is the fact. From disowning its own past in terms of
core issues to violating established conventions, the BJP
is busy accumulating a list of questionable deeds and
this is not good for its reputation.
THE Supreme Court has closed one of the most heinous, suspicious and politically sensitive chapters of India's recent criminal history. It has acquitted 19 of the accused persons in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, commuted the death sentence of three to life imprisonment and upheld capital punishment in respect of four. The two-one majority verdict has all the ingredients of a comprehensive judicious analysis and the final word. Former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was killed by a human bomb at a public rally at Sriperumbudur (Tamil Nadu) on May 21, 1991, during the Lok Sabha election campaign. After scrutinising various documents ranging from oral evidence to the findings of the Jain Commission, the apex court has found that in the eight-year trial bloodshed, conspiracy and several odd events emanating from machinations (mainly political) became evident. An unusually severe pronouncement was made by the special court through which 26 persons were sentenced to death and many others arraigned on various counts were pronounced guilty. The verdict deserved an exceptionally close look. The salient features of the Supreme Court judgement include the setting aside of the conviction of 26 persons under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA), the dismissal of the charge of murderous conspiracy against 19 persons and the upholding of the death sentence awarded to four. A method of categorising the criminals or suspects was evolved with great care. All the accused belonging to the first category, including V. Prabhakaran, were either dead or absconding and they were never tried. Seven persons belonged to the second category and their conviction was upheld.
In commuting the death
sentence given to three key culpable figures into
life-term, justice has been allowed to run its full
course, but compassion has played its merciful role. Good
investigation has been commended and poor exercises like
those of the Jain Commission have been thoroughly
exposed. It is worth remembering that the Jain Commission
overstepped its terms of reference, indulging in
extra-judicial fulminations, and caused grave injury to
the administrative and judicial systems. The controversy
that arose from the Jain findings (which were leaked to
the media), led to the fall of the Gujral government. The
people of Tamil Nadu were stigmatised and the ruling DMK
was charged with nefarious collusion with the LTTE. Part
of the fallout of the judgement may be interpreted as the
exoneration of the DMK and lead to Chief Minister K.
Karunanidhi's closeness to the BJP. The assassinated
leader's party, the Congress, may not gain in terms of
sympathy or poll-time benefits. Men like Mr G. K.
Moopanar and Mr P. Chidambaram may be thrown on the horns
of a dilemma in their political pursuits. The final word
will epxectedly change the prospects of major South
Indian parties in the coming election. Ms J. Jayalalitha
is one of those whose future is bound to be affected. It
is a historic judgement in all respects. Violent people
have a violent end and they often lead others to a fate
like theirs. The court has described the murder of Rajiv
Gandhi as "diabolical, which snatched away a
national leader in the prime of his youth". This is
a tribute to a great man in the making which should not
be used as a petty vote-catching instrument. Martyrdom
has always been a proof of the intensity as well as the
correctness of belief. And Rajiv Gandhi was a great
The real technology agenda
PRIME Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee was merely stating the obvious when he said that the countrys science and technology agenda still remains unfinished. Since he made the admission on the first anniversary of Pokhran II, celebrated as Technology Day, the chances of reading an aggressive intent by unfriendly powers in the statement cannot be ruled out. The Prime Ministers reiteration of the reasons why the Pokhran blasts had benefited the country reinforced the impression that the implementation of the unfinished part of the agenda would help India to talk of peace to the global community from a position of greater strength. Since Pokhran I was the mother of Pokhran II, Mr Vajpayee would have added a few inches to his stature had he arranged a similar anniversary celebration for the 1974 test which gave the first glimpse of Indias nuclear capabilities to the international community. It would be unfair to make an issue of the inadvertent lapse in remembering the children while ignoring the mother of the countrys nuclear family made up of Pokhran I and II tests. A point which needs a wider debate is that the thrust of science and technology should not be limited to providing primarily nuclear muscle to the country. What would become of a boxer who trains merely to add more power to his punch but neglects the rest of his body? He may succeed in knocking out the enemy with a powerful left hook but his neglected and weak legs may see him sprawled next to the vanquished.
Development of science
and technology is not only about making bombs and
fine-tuning an effective delivery system. It is meant to
help mankind realise its civilised potential. To talk of
an unfinished science and technology agenda,
in any case, amounts to saying that the two disciplines
have reached a dead-end and all that the world has to do
is to catch up with whatever they have achieved for
mankind. In that case, India would have a lot more of
catching up to do than others for passing the benefits to
the people of the current level of development in the
fields of science and technology. Jawaharlal Nehru laid
great emphasis on the development of scientific temper
among the people for it could give them the power to
select and use wisely the scientific and technological
tools available to them. It is all very well to talk
about the countrys achievements in the field of
nuclear armament, but what about popularising the use of
drip irrigation technology for increasing agricultural
production through the optimum utilisation of a scarce
commodity called water? What about making available to
the people the simple technology for harvesting rain
water? While the developed world has switched over to
technologies which help them exploit renewable sources of
energy and consequently reduce dependence on exhaustable
sources of fossil fuels, Indias policy-makers are
still discussing the issue. The bomb may stop the land
from being over-run by hostile powers. But of what use is
a bomb which cannot stop people in areas like Kalahandi
and Bolangir from dying of ill-health, malnutrition or
plain starvation? It may not be wrong to say that such
technology as cannot help the people to combat ignorance,
hunger and poverty is found in the workshop of the devil.
WHEN the year 1998 was about to ring out, the Government of India abruptly took a decision to raise the upper age of entry into its higher civil service to 30 years. It was increased by two years from 28 to 30. Thus now the candidates appearing at the higher civil service examination conducted by Indias recruiting sergeant, the Union Public Service Commission must be between 21 and 30 years of age.
The upper age for the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes is 35 years, and for backward classes 33 years. It is an established public policy in India to give a grace of five years to the weaker sections, the underlying idea being that such deprived people confront serious handicaps in life and complete their education much later. A candidate is allowed four chances but those coming from the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes can appear as many times as they want, subject, of course, to the upper age limit.
The civil service in India was patronage based until the year 1853, but even under patronage the practice was to recruit candidates of 16 years or so in age. It was in 1854 that the Macaulay Committee on the Indian Civil Service recommended public recruitment to be based on merit as proven in an open competitive examination, thus ending once and for all the patronage system in civil service recruitment.
The recruitment was open to the age group 18-23. The younger age group was consciously preferred for three reasons. First, it corresponded with the college-leaving age of the target-candidates, thus entailing no waiting on their part. Secondly, catching them at a younger age is considered an integral part of a service career. It served a third purpose too. The recruits to the higher civil service were those who had just taken their first degree and thus were fresh from the university. This meant that the candidates not contaminated by any external influence were able to directly reach the civil service.
The group 18-23 did not suit India, more so when the seat of the examination was London. Even today India is not educationally very advanced, and in the mid-nineteenth century the countrys condition in this regard was much much worse. The age entry 18-23 did not suit Indian candidates, it being too low and the grievance soon snowballed into a public demand for raising the age limit. The colonial rulers not only turned a blind eye to a just demand but even added insult to the injury by lowering the upper age limit from 23 to 22 years. From 1860 till 1864 people in the age-group 18-22 years alone could enter the Indian Civil Service. In 1865 the upper age was lowered by further one year and made 21. A year later, the lower age was also reduced from 18 to 17.
The Liddle Committee (1876) provided the philosophy of a competitive examination by asserting that it was better suited to a younger person. It felt that the prescribed age of entry to the Indian Civil Service was too high and needed to be lowered. During 1878-91 those in the age group 17-19 years could thus appear in the examination for the Indian Civil Service.
The Aitchison Commission on the Public Service ( 1886) appreciated the Indians handicap in writing the competitive examination at London at such a tender age, and recommended that the upper age be raised to 23, which was accepted by the government in 1892.
The upper age remained 23 years for a long time but after Independence it was raised to 24 where again it got stabilised. The period since the seventies saw an indiscriminate extolling of the principle of social justice in Indias public life. As a result, the upper age first become 26 years only to be raised to 28 later on. In December, 1998, the upper age limit was fixed at 30, the minimum being 21.
An upper age limit purported to achieve multiple objectives. One is to accommodate those who reach the stipulated educational level later in life, thus deserving some age concession. It is observed that elite sections in society are educationally better prepared, and children from such groups start their education earlier. By the same token, the non-elite sections are ordinarily late starters in matters of career planning and a somewhat higher age for them is socially warranted. A higher age is also an implicit recognition of the pitfalls and failings of a written examination as a measure of merit. When all is said and done, a written competitive examination does contain an element of luck, and in all fairness a candidate needs more than one chance for such a test.
How many chances a candidate should get is a point worth considering. A shorter span of two years between the minimum and the maximum age-limit should be an ideal solution. A candidates mental capability as well as personality can best be tested in one examination or, at the most, two. The first examination is often taken only in order to acquire the experience of the technique. A candidate who fails to come up to the standard in the second attempt may be, on the basis of his experience of the examination and having acquired the technique, successful in a subsequent attempt. Such success is a pedagogic achievement, and does not necessarily reflect the native intelligence of the candidate. Even otherwise, larger number of attempts may only hinder the conciliation process in life.
The number of vacancies in the higher civil services in India is around 600 every year, and it is unlikely to increase appreciably in the foreseeable future. The reservation of seats for the weaker sections of society is further decreasing the size of the cake available for the general category. What is said is that the number of vacancies being distressingly limited, no employer should arouse expectations which he is not in a position to fulfil.
A candidate must also understand that a written examination contains elements of imponderables, and if he does not make his mark in two attempts he should try his luck elsewhere. The longer he nurses his ambition around the civil services, the weaker would be his capacity to adjust to other vocations in life indeed to the harsh realities of life.
To return to the larger society as disgruntled and frustrated individuals is not the intention of the state. That is why it tests a candidates ability in subjects already taught at the universities, giving him no legitimate grievance that he was made to study new subjects and thus wasted his time. Even otherwise, no employer would be enthusiastic about picking up under his employment persons who are past 30 years. Nor are those who enter the civil services when in their thirties likely to reach the top as the age of superannuation is bound to overtake them much earlier.
Even their capacity to profit from institutional training organised at Mussoorie stands impaired. In short, there is every reason to lower the upper age to the mid-twenties, the limit of 30 years being no genuine homage to social justice.
Silent processes of rural
POLITICAL developments taking place in big cities overshadow the important events that take place in smaller towns and countryside. Recently at least two cases can be cited as examples where such processes got initiated as might change the complexion of rural life to a highly significant, if not revolutionary, level.
On March 8 all over the world urban elite women observed International Womens Day. Appropriate sounds were created once again to resolve to uplift the status of women. Women were reminded of their equal status in society, and men were warned that they would have to concede the equal rights of women. But about 5000 rural women gathered in a small remote village of Kaithal in Haryana and talked about their dreams and aspirations as an integral part of rural agri-based socio-economic activity. Excepting a few none of them was aware that the day was being celebrated as International Womens Day all over the world.
These women discussed the problems of water-logging which has made large parts of their fields uncultivable. They also talked about the unemployment problem worrying their sons and daughters. They did not discuss the need for literacy as the most potent medicine for every social evil, but the focus was on the relevance of primary and secondary education for gainful employment.
The most crucial issue that came up for deliberations was the role of panchayats as an agent of self-management of the development programmes in the villages. Standing waste water from the houses in the lanes of the villages was the problem that required immediate attention but not the 33 per cent reservation for women in elected bodies. Methods of controlling mosquitoes and flies were also discussed but not the state-sponsored Malaria Eradication Programme. Any participant or even the casual observer could notice the vibrance in the atmosphere generated by a gathering of rural women in a real rural environment. One could read on the faces of these literate or semi-illiterate women the determination to improve the quality of life of society in which they live. But the event went unnoticed. No report appeared in the newspapers nor was it given coverage by a television network.
Another happening that did get some mention in the newspapers and television programmes was the gathering of about 15000 sarpanches and panches from all over Haryana at Hisar on March 6. The coverage in the media was of an event, and the process that got initiated with this unique meeting went unnoticed. The ailing panchayati raj system got a booster dose of the remedial medicine in the form of some down-to-earth decisions.
From a mere mention in the Constitution in the form of Article 40, Directive Principles, panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) have travelled a long distance. Various committees conducted intensive studies and made recommendations for the effective implementation of the PRIs.
In Haryana the Panchayati Raj Act became effective on April 22,1994. There was a special provision in the Act that put a bar on any person having more than two children to become an elected member of panchayats. Elections to the panchayats in Haryana were held in December,1994.
After observing the functioning of the panchayats for the last four years it was felt that factionalism within the panchayats made most of them defunct and inefficient. To rectify this situation and to make the panchayats more efficient, the Chief Minister announced measures to end factionalism. Two amendments have been made in the Panchayati Raj Act, 1994. The first one eliminates the position of deputy sarpanch which was the cause for much stress and strain within the system. To give more elbow space to sarpanches, the second amendment prohibits the bringing in of a no confidence motion against the sarpanch. Moreover, to call a meeting of the gram sabha, at least 10 per cent members must demand it. Earlier, it was only 5 per cent of the total strength.
These measures, it is believed by experts, will go a long way in making the panchayats more performance-oriented. Another decision that can make the PRIs in the state a real symbol of decentralised self-administration is that each gram sabha will hold its meeting on April 13 and October 2 every year.
TRAVELLING on the G.T. Road in the month of April, I was witness to a grand spectacle. The fields for miles stood bathed in breathtakingly beautiful golden hue. The wheat harvesting season was in full swing. Since times immemorial, wheat, the golden grain, has given strength, vigour and energy to the sturdy inhabitants of north India and lent them a veneer of superiority over their south Indian brethren. Rice eaters of south India were often joked about as meak, timid and frail. As we drove on, the earthy rich fragrance from the ongoing harvesting operations was heady. I pulled down the windowpanes to have a full view and a fuller impact. (However, those with sensitive bronchi got to watch out.)
Long ago, Wordsworth was in raptures on seeing a solitary reaper in the fields.
Behold her, single in the field,
Yon solitary Highland lass!
Reaping and singing by herself.
Stop here, or gently pass !
Alone she cuts and binds the grain.
And sings a melancholy strain.
Farmers life for centuries was harsh, melancholy and grinding. The slow moving oxen, plough and a sickle were his only tools. He could barely till and cultivate a portion of his land. The produce was meagre and the debts were high.
Harvesting operations have now undergone a sea-change. Monstrous combine harvesters furiously mow the golden wheat (fondly called kanak in Punjabi, which literally translated means gold). Small farmers that connot afford the big machine use the thresher operated by tractor. Of course, one can see scores of men, women and even children in full concentration and at terrific speed harvesting the standing crop in the fields. Sheafs of wheat are formed into stacks of uniform size that neatly dotted the fields. The remuneration for labour is normally given in kind. Every twentieth stack belongs to the labour. The village society is always cash starved. The odd rich guys in the village may be the clever ones who escaped the Land Ceiling Act by manipulating the much-flawed legal process.
Sixties saw Indian
people severely hit by acute food shortages. The then
Prime Minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, called upon the
countrymen to skip evening meal on every Monday. So
serious was the situation! India went to other countries
with a begging bowl. America doled out wheat under PL-480
and also despatched the near-invincible weed popularly
known as congress grass. But once the Indian farmer was
armed with good quality seeds; tractor trolley and a
tubewell, he did wonders. He heralded the great green
revolution and banished hunger from this land of famines.
Who can match his grit, determination, diligence and
enterprise! And what a labour of love no
adulteration, no deception and no cutting of corners!
No alliances at national level:
NEW DELHI, May 12 The Congress will be guided by the assessment of state units regarding seat adjustments with like-minded parties in the forthcoming Lok Sabha elections and not impose its decision on the Pradesh Congress committees.
The party general secretary, Mr Pranab Mukherjee, told TNS in an exclusive interview ahead, of his visit to Chandigarh on Friday for a workers meeting, that the Congress was confident of doing well in Punjab, Haryana and Chandigarh as compared to the previous elections.
Mr Mukherjee, who is in charge of the partys affairs in these States, said the Congress was watching the developments taking place in the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) while refusing to comment on it stating it was an internal affair of the SAD.
The AICC general secretary said the primary objective of his visit to Chandigarh was to listen to leaders of different areas and their assessment of the current political situation.
The visit to Chandigarh comes close on the heels of his meeting with party leaders of Haryana at Faridabad on Monday. During his visit, Mr Mukherjee said he would also utilise the opportunity to hear workers of the Chandigarh Territorial Congress Committee and give his assessment to the party high command on the issue of electing a new president.
Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Q. What is your assessment of the situation in Punjab and the region ?
Ans. I understand that the SAD-BJP government is unpopular and people are again looking at the Congress. It is expected that the Congress will do very well in the next general elections in Punjab, Haryana and Chandigarh.
Q. Last year, the Congress had a tie-up with the Bahujan Samaj Party and the CPI in Punjab, what about these elections?
A. So far as the tie-up is concerned it has to be decided that at certain state-level, local adjustments of seats may be possible depending on the State units, we have left it to them to decide. If they consider it necessary to have adjustments at local level they can suggest it. The State leadership is aware of it and they have yet to come to any conclusion and inform the central leadership.
Q. The PPCC president has preferred to go it alone and had expressed of the view. What are the AICC views on it ?
A. There is a strong feeling that the Congress should go it alone because they feel there is a good chance of success, I am told like that. It is difficult to make any assessment as there is no firm data but we won the Adampur byelection through a small margin. It was a difficult seat and that is an indication.
Q. There is an opinion that the tie-up with the BSP had alienated Congress workers last time, particularly giving up the reserved seats. How do you see it?
A. Thats why we are saying it is for the local leadership to decide what course of action they like to take, we are not going to impose our decision. We will be guided by them, they being on the field they should assess the situation and apprise the central leadership. There will be no alliances at national level.
Q. In Punjab, the SAD is divided and there is a possibility of one faction forming a third front. How does the Congress view it ?
A. We are watching the situation. We belive this is the internal matter of the Akali party. If there be a third front, I do not know what impact it will create. But it is definitely embarrassing to the ruling party because they have split.
Q. What is the situation in Haryana and how was the Faridabad meeting. There were reports of some demonstrations and instances of infighting ?
A. As per available indications through various mass contact programmes conducted by the PCC and public meetings it clearly demonstrates that there is a swing in favour of the Congress and I have attended some of the meetings and the response was good.
At the Faridabad meeting, all senior leaders were present including former PCC Chief, Mr Sultan Singh, Mr Birender Singh, former Chief Minister, Mr Bhajan Lal, Mr S S Surjewala and the CLP leader. All of them emphasised the need for ending factionalism and work unitedly. I do hope it will be possible to iron out the differences and the party would be in a position to put up a united face.
There was no demonstration.A large number of people turned up for the meeting which was open to leaders, and DCC, PCC and AICC members. Naturally workers were not invited.
Q. Do you think factionalism will affect the prospects?
A. I am confident that factionalism, both in Punjab and Haryana, will be under control. In a party like the Congress there may be differences but in the time of need all work together.
Q. What will be the partys thrust?
A. We will give our version of the current political situation and emphasise that unless the electorate gives a clear mandate in favour of a single party it will be difficult to avoid frequent dissolutions resulting in frequent elections.
It has been established beyond doubt that coalition government and political stability cannot go together. Coalition governments become inevitable when there is a fractured mandate. Our emphasis will be to give clear mandate in favour of the Congress who has the track record of providing stable governments.
Even during 1991-96 when we did not get even a simple majority we ran the government and there was no need to dissolve the Lok Sabha.
Q. What will be your message to the PPCC?
A. I would like to assess the situation and interact with party leaders. My request to the Punjab Congress is to work unitedly. The SAD-BJP alliance is extremely unpopular and have not been able to deliver goods. The financial situation is precarious, development work is not at all satisfactory. In this context I feel that in this elections, the vote will be against the anti-people policies of the SAD-BJP government.
Q. What about appointing the CTCC president?
Taking advantage of forest
FOREST fires have hit the headlines far more frequently in the recent past. Much wildlife has perished along with timberland and the forest department remains a mute spectator to the whole event, owing much to its own inadequacy. Still everything is not lost! The forest department can well convert the hopeless situation to its advantage.
The forest fires in rage have chafed the dreaded parasite Lanatana, a weed that the Britishers got to India to landscape their houses with. It spread like an epidemic and engulfed large areas of forest land thus restricting aforestation projects.
It is a bush which grows without provocation attains a height of six to seven feet and swallows up hectares and hectares of land.When in blossom with its head of small bright flowers the sight may look exhilarating but given its nature it disallows growth of any newly planted sapling and suppresses all vegetation. It deprives trees of nutrition, sunlight and other sources of energy. Its prickly nature and thick canopy forbids physical penetration into the forest. It cannot be used as fodder and offers no nutritional value to the animals.
With the lantana cover completely burnt it offers a unique opportunity to the forest department to get rid of its menace. The exercise would involve removing the branches physically as access in the forests has become much easier due to the burning of the weed. The forests are looking empty and one can see the charred remains of the vegetation till a long distance. It would be best if this execution is carried out at the earliest before the monsoon sets in. There is no need to remove the bush from its roots as that would involve a lot of labour and digging up of the soil and would prove to be cumbersome. Power-driven bush cutters are available in the market and should be effectively used . After completion of the first phase i.e. removal of the branches the department should gear up to kill the weed when it sprouts with weedicides, a chemical way of controlling unfavorable weeds. Care has to be taken that the weedicide is sprayed immediately when the lantana sprouts.Spraying early would arrest excessive use of the chemical and will be cost effective as less the foliage less the spray.
Glyphosate salt, a great killer of green things is now available in India under various brand names and is very effective in controlling weeds.The Americans used it to destroy forest covers of the Vietnamese.
The project would involve large sums of money and huge manpower but the results will be beneficial on completion of this exercise. Afforestation will become much easier directly benefiting the environment.Other benefits include soil conservation; a new leash of life for rare herbs and plants and easier accessibility and monitoring of the forests. The job may seem momentous but where there is a will there is a way.With the help and aid from the government no task should seem impossible .
It is imperative on part
of the department that they explore and brainstorm on
this god-sent opportunity and change gears immediately so
as not to waste any time in implementation. They have to
believe in themselves and think the non- sarkari way if
this thought is ever to be considered .Forest fires are
beyond your control lantana isnt.
WHEN the Akali leaders case was resumed today before Mr P.J. Anderson, Special Magistrate, Sardar Jaswant Singh, Deputy Superintendent of Police, was further examined by the Public Prosecutor. The witness again produced one file regarding the proceedings of the meeting of the General Committee of the SGPC held on November 11, 1921, when resolutions were passed to the effect that when the Prince of Wales came to India, there should be a hartal (strike) on that day and that no Sikh should take part in any of the functions.
The witness then referred to the proceedings of the meeting held on November 27 at Akal Takht when resolutions were passed that on Guru Tegh Bahadurs Shahidi Day, diwans should be held in every gurdwara and prayers should be offered for the destruction of those people who were against the Sikh religion; that on the first day of Baisakhi diwans should also be held in all gurdwaras in towns and villages when Sikhs should pray for the establishment of Dharma Raj.
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