Secret exercise for talks with Hurriyat
From M.L. Kak
Tribune News Service

JAMMU, Nov 24 — A secret exercise for preparing leaders of the All-Party Hurriyat Conference for bilateral talks with the Centre has made slow progress. The Jamait-e-Islami, an important member of the APHC, is unwilling for a dialogue unless the APHC was also included in Indo-Pak parleys on Kashmir.

Informed sources said the Centre has sent its emissaries to the Jodhpur jail. Certain senior Hurriyat leaders have been put in detention there under the Public Safety Act. In fact the emissaries are in touch with Mr Abdul Gani Lone, Mr Yasin Malik. Preliminary discussions have been held with certain Hurriyat leaders who are not in detention.

The sources said the Centre took initiative to ward off pressure being built on New Delhi to resume talks with Islamabad.

India has made it clear that since Pakistan was under a military rule and it had not conceded New Delhi's demand for suspending moral and material aid to the militants operating in Jammu and Kashmir, there was no scope for resuming bilateral talks. Hence, instead of holding parleys with Islamabad, India has opted for talks with Hurriyat leaders.

According to these sources, certain Hurriyat leaders have shown willingness to hold talks with the Centre to achieve twin purpose. First, these leaders have been dismayed over political and military developments in Pakistan. Certain Hurriyat leaders have started fulminating against Pakistan after Islamabad's debacle in Kargil. In this connection even the Hurriyat Chairman, Syed Ali Shah Geelani, had made some tight-lipped statements indicating his dismay over Islamabad's handling of the Kashmir issue.

Secondly, Hurriyat leaders believe that by agreeing to talks they could be released before the minimum detention period of two years under the Act and bargain for dislodging the Farooq-led Government in Jammu and Kashmir.

Though the exercise of winning over the Hurriyat leaders is in its preliminary stage, experts here do not attach much importance to the programme of initiating talks with Hurriyat leaders. These experts refer to 1993 and 94 exercises when certain Central emissaries had made progress in their talks with several separatist leaders resulting in the release of Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Abdul Gani Lone, Maulvi Abbas Ansari and Prof. Abdul Gani Bhat and Shabir Ahmed Shah.

But soon after their release the separatist leaders including JKLF chief Mohd Yasin Malik made a U turn.

These leaders lost their clout as foreign mercenaries become active in Kashmir. During the past three years the reins of militancy are in the hands of foreign mercenaries who show scant respect for the local political leaders.

Hurriyat leaders may risk striking a deal with the Centre without the approval of their patrons from across the border, provided they feel that the security situation in Kashmir has improved. At present militants are calling shots in the valley. As such certain separatists believe that the Government is simply trying to "denigrate" them by hooking them for talks.

Expelled National Conference leader Prof Saifuddin Soz has been playing a vital role for holding the Centre Hurriyat dialogue. This has caused concern to National Conference leaders. They feel that the Centre may have an accord with the Hurriyat to unseat the Dr Abdullah's Government. They are of the opinion that by doing so the Centre would create fresh turmoil in Kashmir. In support of their argument they cite series of accords and discords between state leaders and the Centre.

In 1952 the State and the Centre signed, what is called Delhi Agreement. This was followed up by a discord between the then Prime Minister of the State, Sheikh Abdullah, and the Centre which resulted in the Sheikh's dismissal and arrest in 1953. This was followed up by the Sheikh- Indira accord of 1975 which paved the way for Sheikh Abdullah to regain power after 22 years. This was followed up by a discord between the Congress and the National Conference in 1977.

It was in 1986 that the Farooq-Rajiv accord was hammered out to bury the rift between the Congress and the National Conference. Again there was a discord between Farooq and the Centre and the former resigned when Mr Jagmohan was sent to the state as Governor in 1990. And 1996 saw another accord between Dr Farooq Abdullah and the Centre.

Is the plan of holding talks with the Hurriyat leaders a beginning of a new discord with Dr Abdullah? Or, is it to convey to Dr Abdullah that the Centre can explore other avenues, if he held out threats of resignation over financial squeeze? These questions can find answer in the developments that may take place within next three months.