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Unlike other South Asian
countries which are fast developing, Bhutan is reluctantly
modernising. Modernisation, the Bhutanese think, is more of a
curse than a blessing, and may distance them from their
culture, a legacy they do not want to disown.
Until a few
decades ago, Bhutan had no centre of higher education,
newspapers, radio station and other means of communication.
The only city with wheeled transportation was Thimpu, its
capital. Things, however, have changed now. Previously
reluctant, the Bhutanese are now more open and free to the
outside world. They have overthrown the old and inefficient
Brugpa (Dukpa) government based on the old Tibetan concept
paving the way for the present Wangchuk rule.
The 19th
century Bhutan, under the Brugpa government, was a witness to
regular civil wars. The economy was in chaos. The
administration had lost control because of the ambiguous
status of its functionaries. Furthermore, the system of
incarnation was very complex, mysterious and shadowy.
Despite this
uncertainty, strife, conflict and unending civil wars,
Zhabs-drung Ngawang Namgyal and his successors continued the
theocratic regime for about 300 years. Perhaps this chaotic
system would have continued had not internal and external
social forces changed dramatically leading to the emergence of
the Wangchuk rule.
The new
Bhutanese administration underwent major changes. The old
system of incarnation was discontinued. A four-tier system of
administration at the central, district, block and village
levels controlled by the central secretariat has been
introduced. The central secretariat was managed by bureaucrats
nominated by the Royal Civil Service Commission which in turn
is controlled by the Council of Ministers elected by the
National Assembly (the Tshongdu). The King controls various
departments through royal representatives, Ministers and
secretaries.
The country
is divided into 20 districts and 196 development blocks (geoys).
The districts are headed by Drongdas who act as a link between
the central government, development blocks and the villages.
The development blocks act as intermediaries between the
districts and the villages.
However, most
of the Bhutanese institutions are still in a formative stage
as their precise functions have not been defined.
Another major
development is the introduction of higher education. The old
system based on the Lamaist tradition was not efficient enough
to handle complex administrative problems. The modern system
still has elements of the Lamaist traditions but is evolving.
However, the
establishment of Wangchuk rule did not bring respite to the
people. The old and traditional Brugpa government had gone but
Bhutan continues to bear the brunt of its misdeeds. Endless
wars fought by the theocratic regime brought it in direct
conflict with British colonial rulers who appointed British
advisers in Bhutan, more for their own ends than to help the
new principality.
For a long
period, the British colonialists allowed Nepalese immigrants
to clear forestland on which European tea planters of
Darjeeling had cast their eye. Darjeeling, with the help of
these immigrants, was becoming a thriving trading centre and a
launching pad for the British intrusion northwards along with
the Lamaist states. It also provided a safe haven for
fugitives from Sikkim, Tibet and Bhutan, a major cause for the
present ethnic conflict.
During World
War II the Assam Rifles was raised which increased job
opportunities. The government of Assam wanted to recruit the
Nepalese settlers which was rejected by Bhutan. The British
colonialists wanted to integrate Bhutan with the Indian system
of administration, including the armed forces, but this idea
met a setback which led to the birth of a new kingdom, an
independent Bhutan with clearly demarcated boundaries.
The idea of
strictly demarcated boundaries and legally identifiable
citizenship rights added to the Bhutanese predicament. The new
dispensation required everybody to be a Drukpa for which the
Lhotshampas were to be assimilated with the Bhutanese.
Accordingly, Jit Bahadur Chetri, a member of the Royal
Advisory Council, started issuing certificates to the
Lhotshampas for seeking jobs, licences, contracts, admissions
to academic institutions, etc. This questioned their special
status, an issue which contributed to an ethnic clash.
The
Lhotshampas, lured by better wages and facilities in Bhutan,
started bringing their families from across the border,
increasing the population alarmingly. The king in order to
mark the genuine Bhutanese from the immigrants introduced the
concept of "one man one country" and a "code of
conduct" which raised the feeling of being discriminated
against among the Lhotshampas.
Yet another
blow came in the form of the green belt policy. Suddenly the
government had felt the need for a green belt on the southern
borders partly to check soil erosion and flood and partly to
provide a "distinct" border between India and
Bhutan. India gave its consent in its attempt to protect the
environment.
Poor
Lhotshampas, who had worked in "hot, humid conditions and
malarial black waters" to cultivate the only land known
to them, were asked to move out. They were given two options:
either to leave Bhutan with some monetary compensation or to
shift to the interiors of Bhutan and develop undeveloped area.
As a result
Lhotshampas in large numbers left Bhutan and started living in
refugee camps.
And those who
stayed behind have the same tale to tell. Their life has
become miserable. They are deprived of their basic rights.
Their children do not get admission in schools. Health clinics
have closed their door on them. Those holding government posts
were thrown out of their jobs.
Efforts were
made both by Bhutan and Nepal to solve the problem but in
vain. The stalemate continues. But hope remains.
This book dealing with a
SAARC member is an impressive introduction to its multi-ethnic
society and its faultlines.
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