Saturday, November 3, 2001
F E A T U R E


‘Majority of the Muslims of J&K do not want Pakistan’

Mirza Abdul Rashid
Mirza Abdul Rashid

RAJYA Sabha M.P. Mirza Abdul Rashid hails from the sensitive Poonch-Rajouri area of Kashmir. Born in Darhal town of Rajouri district, Mirza Rashid’s political career started when at 27 he was appointed general secretary of the youth wing of the Congress in 1963. He remained in the Congress for 33 years as a committed activist but had to leave due to differences with the party leadership. He joined Dr Farooq Abdullah’s National Conference in 1996. After the resignation of Dr Karan Singh as Chairman of the State Autonomy Committee, Mirza was nominated as a member of the committee in 1996. And, in April 2000, he was elected to the Rajya Sabha.

As a Congress candidate, he won his first assembly election from Rajouri constituency in 1967 and also in 1987 and from Darhal in 1972. In the Cong-NC coalition government headed by Dr Farooq Abdullah, he was given the Cabinet rank in 1989. His performance as Speaker of the Legislative Assembly from 1987 to 1989 is still remembered by political parties and leaders alike. Known for his interest in literature, Mirza Rashid used to infuse life into the proceedings of the house with frequent references to Urdu couplets. He still continues this practice while addressing Parliament or other official meetings. In a talk with R.C. Ganjoo in Delhi, Mirza Abdul Rashid expressed his views on the J&K greater autonomy issue and on the Disturbed Area Act.

 


Jammu and Kashmir has its own constitution, own flag and has full independent legislative powers to run the state. Why then is the demand for the restoration of autonomy being raised time and again? Why is J&K not satisfied with Article 370 which gives it special status?

The demand for the restoration of autonomy to J&K is not a new one. Autonomy was granted to J&K in the light of the Instrument of Accession. Autonomy was granted to the Maharaja of J&K by Pt Nehru for the satisfaction of majority community.It was snatched away from the National Conference government. Dr Karan Singh himself enjoyed the status of Maharaja of the state for 16 years under autonomy rule. People of state even today have the benefit of State Subject right. The Maharaja himself had introduced this state subject provision in 1927. But when the Centre started eroding it, the irritation also began. As long as the state enjoyed autonomy( till 1965), there was no bitterness in the relationship between the state and the Centre and everything was running very smoothly.

Do you think the autonomy report will meet the same fate as the Resettlement Bill (known as Bill N 9) of 1981 which was passed by J&K Assembly? The matter was referred to Supreme Court for opinion and till today nothing has come out of it.

In my opinion, the autonomy report, which was prepared in two years time, will have to meet the same fate as the Resettlement Bill. Rejecting the Resettlement Bill by the Centre then was an insult to the state assembly and to Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah. The Government of India should have discussed the Resettlement Bill after interacting with the state. But it was never done. It was a case of clear-cut injustice to the people of the state. But this time it will have its own consequences. Autonomy is in the interest of the country and it is within the framework of the Indian constitution. If autonomy is not restored to the state, it will directly or indirectly help pro-Pak elements who are always in search of such opportunities.They will exploit the situation.

What do you expected in regard to this autonomy report that has been outrightly rejected by the Centre ?

According to me, the Centre should have discussed objectionable clauses, if any, in the report which were not in support of strengthening state-Centre relationship. Without accepting it or rejecting it, the Centre should have formed a committee of constitutional experts of the country and state who could have discussed the objectionable clauses. The same had happened to the Resettlement Bill — it was thrown into a dustbin without a discussion.

To sort out regional imbalances and political discrimination with regard to Jammu and Ladakh regions, two commissions were set up. One was under the Chief Justice of India, Gajendragadkar, in 1977 and the other was nominated under Chief Justice Sikri. Both the commissions gave similar observations. Then what was the need of greater autonomy?

Greater autonomy and regional autonomy are two different issues. Greater autonomy is for whole of the J&K State within the Indian constitutional framework. Regional autonomy is for Jammu, Ladakh and Kashmir within the constitution of the J&K state.

The state government has also constituted a committee for regional autonomy to look into the regional, social, political and economical imbalances. The final report on regional autonomy has not been submitted so far in the state assembly for discussion. Greater autonomy will run simultaneously with regional autonomy, once autonomy is approved by the Centre.

Granting autonomy is the only way to win the hearts of people. A majority of the Muslims of the state do not want Pakistan or independence.

The Dixon Plan was floated to create a foundation for establishing military basis in the Himalayan region. That is possible only when the state of Kashmir is carved as per this plan. The allegation against regional autonomy is that it smells of the Dixon Plan. Is it so?

The Dixon Plan actually suits China and Pakistan, but not India or J&K. This plan leads to trifurcation of the state. Our party is totally against this Dixon Plan or for the trifurcation of the state. Those are unwise people who have been raising the slogan of trifurcating the state. In other words, trifurcating means accepting the Two Nation Theory and a further division of the J&K state into pieces. I must say that the passing of the Autonomy Resolution in the state assembly unnerved Pakistan. Kashmir issue would then get decentralised instead of getting centralised by Pakistan,and Pakistan therefore feared that violence would also de-escalate. I believe if autonomy would have been accepted by Government of India,the majority community of the state would have straight away joined the mainstream. Pakistan would have been isolated.

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