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Sunday, December 30, 2001
Books

Gandhi’s truth against the colonial might
Review by Rashmi Sharma

Satyagraha and Social Change
by Suman Kwatra. Deep and Deep, New Delhi. Pages 175.
Rs 400.

"I take it, Mr Gandhi, that you are the author of the satyagraha movement." "Yes Sir."

"Will you explain it briefly?"

And so Lord Hunter, as chairman of the official committee appointed to enquire into the first nationwide satyagraha movement in India, opened his examination of Mohandas Gandhi on January 9, 1920. "It is a movement," Gandhi explained, "intended to replace methods of violence and a movement based entirely upon truth."

It is a technique of action intended to replace the method of violence that satyagraha made its appearances, first in South Africa and later in India. The philosophy which infused it was not conceived full-blown as a logically consistent, systematic statement. But as the technique evolved on the field of social and political action, the philosophical assumptions and the pattern of value fundamental to its operation were laid before those who come to inquire or challenge, to adopt or to oppose.

 


The doctrine of satyagraha was conceived by him as an extension of the rule of domestic life into the political. He held that family disputes and differences are generally settled according to the "law of love". The injured member has so much regard for the others that he suffers injury for the sake of his principles without retaliating and without anger against those who differ from him.

As repression of anger and self-suffering are difficult processes, he does not promote trifles into principles but in all non-essentials readily agrees with the rest of family and thus continues to gain the maximum of peace for himself without disturbing that of others. Thus, his action whether he resists or resigns is always calculated to promote the common welfare of his family.

As early as 1919, the Mahatma wrote in Young India, "It is this Law of Love which silently but surely governs the family for the most part throughout the civilised world. I feel that nations cannot be a reality, nor can their activities be conducive to the common good of the whole humanity, unless there is this definition and acceptance of the law of family in national and international affairs, in other words, on political platforms. Nations can be called civilised only to the extent that they obey this law."

This is precisely what Suman Kwatra (nee Chauhan) has discussed in her book "Satyagraha and Social Change". Rather the book is Gandhi’s philosophy of action for social change.

Gandhi’s concepts of satya and ahimsa lie at the heart of his entire social and political philosophy. He nurtured his own vision of a radical transformation of the existing social order and political system, but he was even more concerned to evolve a revolutionary approach to political action and social change within the limits of prevailing conditions of politics and society. Immediate resistance to injustice and coercion as well as a long-term programme of terms of the twin absolutes of truth and non-violence.

The doctrine of satyagraha was meant to show how the man of conscience could engage in heroic action in the vindication of truth and freedom against all tyranny, in his appeal to justice against every social abuse and sectional interest. Gandhi challenged the conventional notions of authority, law and obligation by appealing to his conceptions of natural law or dharma and self-suffering or tapas. Satya and ahimsa alone can secure an unending basis for social consensus and political loyalty.

In times such as ours when conflict is the order of the day and the potential of technology offers more to fear than to hope, social and political theory face their gravest challenge. Theoretical political systems have grown increasingly suspect and intellectual formulations tend less to challenge than repel. But there is rapidly developing a demand hitherto neglected by social and political theory. This is the demand for solutions to the problem of conflict - not for theoretical systems of end-structure aimed at ultimately eliminating conflict, but for ways of conducting conflict when it arises; ways which are constructive and not destructive.

Such a demand must be met by a theory of process and of means, and not of further concern for structure, for pattern and for ends. Basic to such a theory is a philosophy of action.

In his attempt to apply the game theory to human conflicts Anatol Rapaport, the distinguished political scientist, divided conflicts into three categories: fights, games and debates. First, fight: it is a game of pure opposition and strictly competitive in which the opponents try to eliminate and destroy each other by the use of force and physical sanctions. Second, games: in which the opponents try to outwit each other. Last, debates in which there is absence of threat and physical sanctions and the opponents try to convert each other. It is generally assumed that each participant’s strategy is predicated on the strategy selected by the opponent. Information, about all possible strategies, rules and pay offs or the probabilities, enable each player to decide rationally to maximise benefits while minimising losses. The last category is the only kind which could be productive and best possible for all. So the fights should be converted into games and the games into debates.

Under satyagraha its votary pits his refusal to hurt or injure his opponent despite the inconvenience of such an attitude to himself against those who desire to fight or outwit him; and he seeks to convert iit to use non-coercive methods to gain their ends by finding an area of common interest based on common humanity which would put the conflict of aims into a proper perspective. Gandhi did not deny the existence of conflicts in human society and admitted this existence in every walk of life but sought to make satyagraha the basis of a method of action. The idea is to win over the opponent.

This is corroborated by Gandhi’s staunch opponent in South Africa, General Smuts. On Gandhi’s 70th birthday, the General paid the following tribute to the Mahatma. "It is fitting that I, as an opponent of Gandhi a generation ago, should now salute the veteran as he reaches the scriptural limits of three score years and ten. May the further allotment which the Psalmist grudgingly allows also be his, and may they be years of fruitful service to the world and of a peaceful mind to himself … I must frankly admit that his activities at that time were very trying to me. Together with other South African leaders, I was then busily engaged in the task of welding the old colonies into the united states.

"Suddenly, in the midst of all these engrossing preoccupations Gandhi raised a most troublesome issue. We had a skeleton in our cupboard in the form of what is called the Indian question in South Africa - Gandhi tackled this problem, and in doing so, showed a new technique - one which he afterwards made world famous in his political campaigns in India - large numbers of Indians had to be imprisoned for lawless behaviour and Gandhi himself received what no doubt he desired - a short period of rest quiet in good. For him everything went according to plan. For me - the defender of law and order there was the usual trying situation, the odium of carrying out a law which had not got strong public support, and finally the discomfiture when the law had to be repealed. For him, it was a successful coup.

"Nor was the personal touch wanting, for nothing in Gandhi’s procedure is without a peculiar personal touch. In jail he has prepared for me a very useful pair of sandals which he presented to me when he was set free. I have worn these sandals for many a summer since then, even though I may feel that I am not worthy to stand on the shoes of so great a man." This is how satyagraha works.

The central theme of the present work is to examine his view of satyagraha, its meaning, main features and methods. Similarly, the study also focuses its attention on examining satyagraha as a science as it has been called by a few, a strategy and a war without violence by many others. Besides, the study also covers satyagraha’s effectiveness as a technique for real social change as non-violence. For, Gandhi is an evergreen and a live subject which demands new interpretation in order to infuse new meanings for social change and he was such a personality who certainly infused new meanings to truth and nonviolence to end all kinds of injustice and exploitation of the masses.

The work also highlights the efficacy, efficiency and everlasting and soothing results of satyagraha by giving various illustrations from India and abroad. Similarly, the study elaborates Gandhi’s message that satyagraha is not only an art but also a science of life - an attitude towards life which concerns every aspect of life and not a single act, nor a string of actions and this completely eschews untruth and violence in every form.

The book is based on her Ph.D. thesis "Satyagraha: A Method of Social Change". She has worked under the supervision of.M.L.Sharma, a distinguished authority on the subject.

This book would be useful for the scholars, students and general public having interest in Gandhian and peace studies.