Sunday, March 31, 2002		Article

The battle has been won, but not the war
S. Satyanarayanan

AS the bells toll in imperfect harmony on the banks of the Sarayu river in the innumerable temples dotting the holy city, the protagonists of the great Indian political theatre are writing and rewriting the plots and the subplots of the Ayodhya episode. Whether the shila daan on March 15 marked a watershed in modern Indian history, only time will tell. What, however, appears certain is that the temple issue is still burning even though for the time being the sparks seem to have stopped flying after a potentially catastrophic communal flare up was prevented.

The charged-up atmosphere in the run-up to the shila daan ceremony was reflective of the fact that beneath the serene surface of the political topography, a tempest seemed to be building up. For the government, the battle has been won for now. But the war is far from over. If nothing, the seat of power in the imposing South Block in New Delhi appears jittery and perhaps for the first time the BJP-led regime has woken up to the bitter truth that riding a tiger is easier than dismounting.

Amidst charges and counter-charges, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee was called upon to protect the shaky edifice of the BJP’s core constituency—the Ram Temple—and also project a secular visage for political and public consumption. Caught between the adamant posturing of the leaders of the Ram Temple movement with regard to their March 15 programme and the government’s decision to block it, people in Ayodhya kept their fingers crossed over the possible turn of events.

Fear was writ large on the faces of a majority of Ayodhyavasis as they apprehended trouble even as statements and counter-statements by the administration and the RJN-VHP leaders made banner headlines. But they were confident that the scale of confrontation this time would be much much less than it was in 1992, when the Babri Masjid was demolished.

As the D-day approached and the tempers of the VHP leaders escalated over the large-scale security measures undertaken to prevent the gathering of Ram sevaks in Ayodhya, the mediation of Shankaracharya Jayendra Saraswati of Kanchi Kamakoti Peetam did raise some hope among the locals.

While they prayed for an amicable solution, a majority of them were sure that no one could manage an instant solution to the issue which had been lingering on for decades together. An uneasy calm prevailed in the twin cities of Ayodhya and Faizabad following the rejection of the Shankaracharya’s formula by the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) and the subsequent Supreme Court order restraining any kind of religious activity or puja from being performed in the 67.703 acre land in possession of the government.

The insistence of the leaders of the Ram Temple movement to go ahead with their March 15 programme only made the local people nervous about the possible fallout. But seasoned Ayodhya-watchers knew that the wordy duel between the RJN-VHP leaders and the government was only for public consumption as both the BJP and the VHP could not discard each other.

In the entire episode, political shadow boxing overshadowed the religious sentiments of the majority community and ultimately even the so-called hardliners like the VHP leader Ashok Singhal and the RJN President Mahant Ramchander Das Paramhans had to moderate their stand. However, the most bitter experience was for Singhal, who had been closely associated with the Ram Temple movement having tirelessly built up a network of Hindus who sympathised with the VHP agenda.

On the day Paramhans grabbed the limelight by handing over two pieces of the "sacred stone" to the Ayodhya Cell Chief in the Prime Minister’s office, Shatrughan Singh, Singhal had to face the wrath of the 300-odd Ram sevaks, who managed to gather at the Digambar Akhara despite prohibitory orders. The scene was akin to that of a king being shouted down by his subjects. Singhal standing on the roof of his car and trying to pacify a restive crowd made a perfect picture for lensmen. But for the man himself, it was less of an honour and more of humiliation as he was left alone to handle the situation.

Devout Ram sevaks, who had trudged long distances from different parts of the country, were visibly disappointed by the turn of events. Clearly most of them considered the symbolic shila daan ceremony as nothing short of surrender before the diktats of the political masters. And most of them thought they had been taken for granted, and no value was attached to their sacrifice by the leaders, including Singhal. Murmurs of protest soon gathered momentum and in no time the Ram sevaks started shouting slogans, mostly directed against the VHP top brass. Singhal felt let down. For the media, the developments made a very good copy and a sullen Singhal’s picture made headlines.

It was probably for the first time since the temple movement began in 1986, that the VHP President had to face the ire of the same people who responded to every call given by him in the name of the Ram Temple. The only consolation for him was that despite the security arrangements these Ram sevaks managed to make their presence felt.

As the drama unfolded in full public glare in the afternoon of March 15, the main character in the entire episode, the RJN Chief Mahant Ramchander Das Paramhans, maintained that the symbolic shila daan represented the first step towards the ultimate goal — the construction of the Ram Temple. In the final analysis, the events that led up to March 15 will provide enough food for thought for students of current history and may eventually mark a new chapter in the history of modern India, still grappling to break free from its historical cocoon.