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Arson in Agra Duel in Shimla Chak de, India |
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Threat to Tibetan identity
Killing childhood
Fighting fragging On poverty, maybe we’re all wrong Delhi Durbar
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Arson in Agra WHAT was most disconcerting about the widespread violence in Agra was its predictability. Yet, the police could not do anything to prevent it. What triggered the incident was the accidental mowing down of four people returning from a prayer meeting by a speeding truck. Why the truck was allowed on that particular stretch of road at that time when there was a ban on the movement of heavy vehicles is not known. The negligence of the authorities concerned seems to have infuriated the mob, which went on burning trucks, shops and establishments. Soon, violence spread to a larger area forcing the district administration to impose a curfew, causing further problems for the law-abiding citizens. When some kanwarias were killed in an accident near Gurgaon recently, fellow pilgrims took the law into their own hands and caused enormous destruction to passing vehicles. In Gohana, too, the murder of a youth was enough to provoke the people to indulge in violence that spread to many areas of Haryana and even Punjab. A few days ago, people resorted to the stoppage of vehicles on the busy Ambala-Delhi highway to protest against the transfer of a principal. In other words, there are people who are waiting for an opportunity to unleash the criminal element in them and destroy public and private property. In this particular case, too, public property worth crores of rupees has been destroyed. It should not be forgotten that the goods-laden trucks, which were burnt, would have been insured and the insurance companies would have to compensate their owners. In other words, it is the public which ultimately suffers. While the efforts being made to communalise the incident need to be condemned, it also has to be pointed out that the law and order machinery has proved inadequate to deal with such situations. An impression has gained ground that if some people join hands and indulge in violence they can escape the long arms of the law. If there is certainty of punishment for such acts of violence, fewer people will be tempted to put to the torch vehicles just because of an accident. Equally important, there is a growing perception that justice tends to be delayed and it seldom favours the poor, prompting them to seek instant justice. Whatever the reason, no civilized society can countenance the kind of violence Agra witnessed on Wednesday. |
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Duel in Shimla WHAT happened at Shimla on Wednesday is bound to happen if political leaders encourage their party workers to take the law into their own hands. The clash between Congress and BJP workers outside the Himachal Vidhan Sabha building, leading to injuries to senior leaders like former Chief Minister Shanta Kumar, could have been avoided if their leaders had taken the necessary precaution. But what to talk of precautionary measures, the two parties decided to hold rallies the same day and at nearby venues. Indulging in blame game will not help. By resorting to violence both parties have tried to damage the image of Himachal Pradesh as a peaceful state. The police, perhaps, had no alternative but to resort to a lathi charge to control the situation, which could have taken a turn for the worse. Reports suggest that police deployment was inadequate, which indicates that the authorities could not foresee the trouble. It is difficult to understand why both the Congress and the BJP should hold their rallies near the Vidhan Sabha simultaneously. If the BJP had taken permission from the district authorities to hold its demonstration programme at Ambedkar Chowk, the Congress could have waited for another day for its rally outside the Assembly building. If a change in the programme did not suit their scheme of things, both parties should have ensured that their workers did not indulge in violence. In any case, an orderly movement of BJP workers towards the Assembly building after their rally was over could have prevented the enactment of the ugly scene. Politicians should not forget that showing their muscle power will not endear them to the public. Already politicians as a class have a very poor image among the people. They should try to improve it by their orderly behaviour. They must shun violence under all circumstances. Clashes among political workers are bound to promote a culture of violence. This cannot be in the interest of peace in Himachal Pradesh or any other state. |
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Chak de, India AN international win in football is a rarity. In such a dismal scenario, winning an international title is considered, well, the Holy Grail. But, on Wednesday, India did it, when Baichung Bhutia and his boys defeated the highly fancied Syria 1-0 in the final of the 13th ONGC Nehru Cup Football in Delhi. That should do a lot in removing the doormat stigma from the name of India because Syria is ranked 40 places above it in FIFA rankings. The significance of the occasion can be well gauged from the fact that the last title win India posted was in the LG Cup in Vietnam in 2002. In fact, they managed just three wins in the 12 previous editions of the tournament. India did win the football gold in the Delhi Asian Games way back in 1951, but it has been downhill since then. The resurgent India owes much of its success to English coach Bob Houghton who helped get rid of their self-defeating attitude and replace it with a “can-do” belief. The way our boys matched the aggressive Syrians all the way portends well for the game. Ironically, football was very popular at one time before cricket paled everything else into significance. The encomiums — and the $40,000 prize money plus an equal amount as bonus from the sponsors - will hopefully revive interest in this game played in almost every town and village of the country. The confidence booster should be built upon by giving the soccer boys greater international exposure. Great that the title win is, it should be matched by many more — not only on the Indian soil but also abroad. It is just a matter of looking for potential in traditional games like football. There are youngsters out there willing to emulate their heroes. The soccer champions are the new poster boys and will surely be putting many dreams in the eyes of the young fans. |
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At twenty years of age, the will reigns; at thirty, the wit; and at forty, the judgement.
— Benjamin Franklin |
Threat to Tibetan identity
What
is it about the Dalai Lama which enrages China so much? Their rage was at play again during the Tibetan leader’s Australia visit. Beijing put all the pressure to stop the Dalai Lama from meeting Prime Minister John Howard and opposition leader Kevin Rudd. China warned that this could harm bilateral relations. And it almost succeeded. But this being the election year in Australia, with the Dalai Lama enjoying considerable respect and affection with many people here, the fear of losing votes prevailed on both Mr Howard and Mr Rudd to meet the Tibetan leader. The political sting of Beijing’s anger is sought to be managed by describing the meetings with the Dalai Lama as one with a major religious figure, without any political implications. Gently rebuffing the Chinese pressure, Mr Howard said, “As Prime Minister, I take the view I will decide who I will meet …he is a figure in my view that I should meet.” But to reassure Beijing, he added, “It doesn’t alter our foreign policy; it doesn’t alter our relationship with China.” Describing the Dalai Lama “as a major world religious figure”, opposition leader Kevin Rudd said that “our discussions centered on questions of religion and faith.” Canberra is generally mindful of Beijing’s reaction in such situations, considering its ballooning trade relations with China, which is expected soon to overtake Japan as Australia’s largest trading partner. But China’s expanding trade relationship with Australia is not a political favour. It is scouring the world for mineral and energy imports, and Australia has what China needs. Therefore, it is a mutually beneficial relationship. Beijing knows that Canberra is not interested in Tibetan separatism. But it still must continue ostracizing the Dalai Lama for being the personification of Tibet. Indeed, for many years now even the Dalai Lama has renounced separatism for his country. While in Australia he reiterated this and said that he favoured autonomy for He seeks internal autonomy (self-governance) for Tibet where its people can maintain their cultural and spiritual identity. In an interview on Australian television’s Dateline programme, he maintained that his advocacy of respect for Tibet’s culture and spirituality was indeed in tune with President Hu Jintao’s ideal of social harmony in China. As things stand today, not only are Tibet’s distinct cultural and religious traditions in danger of obliteration, even their ethnic identity is increasingly being eroded. The influx of the majority Han people into Tibet and their control of all its institutions and economic activity are increasingly marginalising Tibetan people. In the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, for instance, they are said to now number only one-third of the population. And with the opening of the new railway line more and more Han Chinese are pouring into Tibet, making life even harder for its original inhabitants. The region is simply being overwhelmed by outsiders with nothing but contempt for its Tibetan people and their traditions. And when Tibetans show even least resistance to such multi-pronged Chinese onslaught, they face the prospect of spending their lives in the dungeon. Faced with such a bleak situation, it is not surprising that the Dalai Lama is seeking to salvage his people from decimation. He has come to realise over the years that an independent Tibet is not likely to eventuate, considering China’s might and international clout. The only feasible and practical solution under the circumstances is to retrieve their cultural and spiritual identity within China’s overall control. Under this arrangement, the national government in Beijing will be responsible for foreign, defence, currency and other central concerns. On the face of it, it seems like a fairly sensible solution. China retains national control, and Tibet manages to maintain its regional and cultural identity. But the series of talks over the years between Beijing and the Dalai Lama’s representatives in this regard haven’t gone anywhere. Basically, Beijing doesn’t trust the Dalai Lama. They fear his advocacy of autonomy for Tibet is a thinly-veiled device for separatism, positing Tibetan identity versus Han Chinese identity. And they wouldn’t like such an arrangement to become a precedent for other minorities in China. Besides, they don’t see any urgency to resolve the issue. With China’s growing economic and military clout, more and more governments feel obliged to take China’s sensitivities into account where the Dalai Lama and Tibet are concerned. Through its policies of internal amalgamation and incessant external pressure, Beijing is hoping to eliminate the Tibetan issue altogether. And things look promising to them in this regard. Therefore, they don’t feel any need to revive the issue when it might fade away in due course of time. For Beijing, the ideal position for the Dalai Lama would be some sort of high- sounding superannuated status, with him conferring legitimacy on China’s Tibetan policy to speed up its amalgamation. The Dalai Lama, however, is refusing to be amalgamated into China’s scheme of things at the cost of his homeland. But he is not going to live forever, having reached the 70-year mark. They can, therefore, afford to wait him out. And with him gone, Tibet might wither on the vine and, lo and behold, China would have solved the problem for all times to come. That, at least, would seem to be the thinking of China’s communist rulers. But this is too neat a solution. And for complex issues of national and cultural identities, neat solutions are hard to come by. The Soviets discovered it the hard way when their empire collapsed and their erstwhile neat solution of resolving the nationality question simply resulted in most of them opting for independence. The conventional wisdom among China’s rulers is that they have learnt from the failed Soviet state, and they are thus safe from such catastrophes. Weren’t their counterparts in the Soviet Union, too, quite sure of themselves until their house of cards collapsed from
within?
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Killing childhood
THE day started with an SMS from a public relations guy. It was a gentle reminder to review a painting exhibition in City Beautiful. The time was 11.30 am. As soon as I hit the road on my scooter, it started pouring, forcing me to take shelter under a tree. The wait was longer than I had anticipated. Anyway, by the time I reached the venue, looking like a wet hen, the 10-year-old artist was already basking in media attention. He was darting from one corner of the room his father had taken on rent in a prestigious hotel to exhibit his son’s artistic talent, to another with a photographer in tow and a recorded interview in a local FM channel blaring high! After looking at the paintings, which were as good or as bad as any of an art student’s work, I could not hide my contempt for parents who push their children to limelight and rob them of their childhood in the process. “Why cannot children be allowed to be children? Why are they pushed like this?” I cribbed in front of a colleague whom I met at the venue. After all, there are contests meant for school children! Does it make sense to waste money for such solo shows? “What’s wrong if parents encourage their children to become artists? After all we do push our kids to become doctors and engineers!” interjected one of the admirers. “But then we do not encourage them to operate on human beings or prescribe medicines to sick neighbours before they get their degrees. If some parents do that as it happened in Tamil Nadu recently, we put them behind bars,” my retort came out somehow a little harsher then it was intended to. She made a quiet retreat. Realising that it was time for me, too, to carry on with my assignment, I tried to concentrate on the colour and forms. But my brain refused to coordinate with my eyes, for a dramatic sequence was brewing up in my mind — my son coming out with this weird demand. He had apparently read this particular review. “I want to have an exhibition, Mom” “Excuse me?” “You heard me right. I want all my drawings from my Colour it Yourself books framed and put up for a show. I want to see myself on the art pages of the newspapers.” “It’s not easy.” “It is, if you have the right connection. Or, shell out money and book a room or even a corridor in a prestigious hotel.” “Umm… let me see what can be done.” “Sure, but remember either I see myself in the newspapers soon or you see me in the missing
column!” |
Fighting fragging Fragging, or targeting one’s comrades on account of stress and harsh environmental conditions, has been in the news lately. According to media reports, there have been at least 23 cases of military personnel losing their lives during 2006 because of fragging, a very high number indeed. In addition, the number of suicide cases in the Army has risen to 136 during 2006, some of which can be attributed to the same reasons which lead to fragging. No professional force can afford to lose its personnel in this manner, least of all the Indian Army, which is a force which cares for its soldiers and officers. While many reasons have been advanced for these incidents, from lack of adequate leave to psychological oversight, we should not lose sight of some fundamental issues which I believe are the real reasons for this state of affairs. Counter-insurgency (CI) and counter-terrorist (CT) operations, in which the Army finds itself embroiled for nearly half a century, are extremely difficult for soldiers. The level of difficulty increases with the intensity of operations. As an example, while the intensity is usually low in the North-East, most operations in J&K are highly intense and have been so for the last 16 years. By their very nature and on account of the modus operandi of the insurgents and terrorists to merge with the local populace, CI / CT operations are conducted in close proximity and sometimes in the midst of the local population. In such situations, there is always a grave danger of locals becoming a target of the insurgent’s fire, who, unlike the soldiers, are not at all bothered by collateral damage, or killing and maiming innocent bystanders. The soldier is, therefore, perpetually on the edge during such operations. When this continues on a 24x7 basis over prolonged periods, even traditional strengths of our soldiers wear out. In the above milieu, if worries on the home front and an unresponsive civil administration are added, a soldier sometimes breaks down. Such a breakdown can take many forms like increased alcohol intake, becoming a loner, disobeying orders and even increased risk-taking as if life had suddenly become unimportant. In such a frame of mind, even mild slights assume a disproportionate size and when a soldier reaches the end of his tether, he forgets himself completely and attacks his comrades and superiors, resulting in fragging. So where does the remedy lie? Many measures have been suggested, from inducting psychiatrists, to meditation, Vipasana and yoga classes, to an in-depth study by the Defence Institute of Psychological Research (DIPR) and so on. I am sure all these will help, but this would be skirting the main issues. No army can carry out sustained, day in day out CI and CT operations of the intensity which are a norm in J&K for prolonged periods without these affecting the psyche of soldiers as well as their units. The Army has been conducting mid to high-intensity CI and CT operations in J&K for over 16 years now. Most infantry units and individuals have had a number of tenures, each of two to three years, in this environment during this period. The senior leadership of the Army has time and again cautioned the political leadership that such prolonged employment is counter-productive and needs to end. I think the political leadership understands the negative implications, but has no alternate instruments, which can be employed and the Army deinducted. The Central police force, which have been raised specifically for such tasks are neither well trained nor made available for these tasks in adequate numbers. Numerous suggestions for upgrading the efficiency and professionalism of the central forces have met with bureaucratic stubbornness and turf protection. The result is that the Army’s commitments on such tasks keep increasing, not just in J&K but also in the north-eastern states. I daresay the Army will be asked to take on even more such commitments in future. This is not just a fragging issue. It has much wider repercussions relating to the fitness of the Army for its primary role. There is an increasing tendency to overload the CO with too many tasks and instead of giving him a free hand, many senior officers tend to interfere in his command. Many proposals have been made to the political leadership about reducing, if not eliminating the chronic shortage of officers, but these have been consigned to the obscure cupboards of bureaucrats. It is to the credit of the dwindling number of officers of the combat arms that despite these systemic disabilities, they are performing so well. Sadly, the bureaucracy has spared no effort to downgrade the standing of the defence forces. This is manifested in all dealings of the bureaucracy, who fail to realise that unless there is a supportive and concerned civil administration to look after the families, property problems and concerns of a soldier, he will remain a troubled person. Let me conclude by saying that while the Army focuses on the non-systemic issues and improves the environment in its combat units, the government must take up the systemic issues with urgency. The aim must be to eliminate such cases altogether and not just reducing them. At the same time, the urgent need to place the Army and indeed the defence forces at levels which restore their “Izzat” and honour are a must. Soldiers join the Army to fight for their country and kill the country’s enemies. They have no desire to kill their comrades. Let us not make them do so, by a callous approach and not ameliorating their concerns. Pious platitudes are no substitute for substantive action. The writer is a former Vice Chief of Army Staff and currently Director of the Centre for Land Warfare Studies. |
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On poverty, maybe we’re all wrong Most
years, what passes for the national debate about poverty is confined to the 24 hours after the US government releases its annual report on household incomes, as it did this week. The left expresses moral outrage - in the richest country the world has ever known, one in every eight residents still lives in poverty - and calls for government to do something about it. The right, to the degree that it pays any attention to the issue at all, notes that while the poverty rate goes up and down with the economic cycle, it has remained relatively stable over the past 35 years and, in any case, represents a failure of government meddling, not a mandate for more of it. That there is a germ of truth to both views does not excuse the fact that the debate has become stale and unproductive, based on misleading data and outdated assumptions. It is more than a bit disingenuous for liberals to push for worthwhile programs like food stamps, housing vouchers, child tax credits and the earned income tax credit - and then to constantly cite official income and poverty statistics that do not include the impact of food stamps, housing vouchers, child tax credits and the earned income tax credit. As it happens, each spring the Census Bureau gets around to computing an alternative after-tax measure of disposable income that includes these various tax and transfer programs, while also making adjustments in the official poverty line to reflect the economic realities of different household sizes. This supplemental report gets little attention, but the adjustments are both statistically and politically significant. In 2005, for example, they dropped the poverty rate from 12.6 percent to 10.3 percent, with the biggest improvement coming in a four percentage-point reduction in child poverty. At the same time, these revisions help put the lie to the right-wing conceit that government tax and transfer policies only make poverty worse. Conservatives are left to fall back on the argument that government handouts and social insurance programs, while appearing to lift some out of poverty, have created a permanent underclass by discouraging work and thrift and fostering a culture of dependence. Much better, conservatives say, to do away with all those patronizing and inefficient social welfare schemes that create perverse incentives and "empower" the poor to act in their own best interest using the same traditional market mechanisms as everyone else. The best refutation of this argument that I've seen in a long time is contained in a new book, "The Persistence of Poverty," by a friend of mine, Charles "Buddy" Karelis, a professor at George Washington University. Karelis isn't an economist or social welfare expert but a philosopher by profession with wide-ranging curiosity, a dry wit and a weakness for unconventional wisdom. And after doing lots of reading and giving it extensive thought, Karelis concluded that the reason some people are perpetually poor is that they don't have enough money. Let me say that this isn't as self-evident, or tautological, a truth as it might appear. Rather, the argument goes something like this: The reason the poor are poor is that they are more likely to not finish school, not work, not save, and get hooked on drugs and alcohol and run afoul of the law. Liberals tend to blame it on history (slavery) or lack of opportunity (poor schools, discrimination), while conservatives blame government (welfare) and personal failings (lack of discipline), but both sides agree that these behaviors are so contrary to self-interest that they must be irrational. After all, the reason we study, work, save and generally behave ourselves is that these behaviors allow us to earn more money, and more money will improve our lives. And, by logic, that must be particularly true of the poor, for whom each extra dollar to be earned or saved for a rainy day is surely more valuable than it is for, say, Bill Gates. In economics, this insight - that the fifth ice cream sundae is less valuable than the first one - is enshrined in the law of diminishing marginal utility. But what if this iron law of economics is wrong? What if it doesn't apply at every point along the income scale? If you and everyone around you are desperately poor, maybe it's perfectly rational to think that an extra dollar or two won't make much of a difference in reducing your misery. Or that you won't be able to "study" your way out of the ghetto. Or that if you find a $100 bill on the street, maybe it's logical to blow it on one great night on the town rather than portion it out a dollar a day for 100 days. In recent years, conservatives have dominated the poverty debate with their strategy of breaking the cycle of dependence. But after a decade of welfare reform, budget cuts and calls for individual responsibility, poverty is still very much with us. Maybe it's time for liberals to regain the upper hand in the debate by arguing that the vicious cycle that needs to be broken isn't one of dependence but one of declining expectations. By arrangement withLA Times-Washington Post |
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Delhi Durbar The
Congress, which had rejected the popularity test through SMS polls during the Presidential election, is apparently following a different track in its defence of the Indo-US nuclear deal. Party leaders, who have been confronting the Left barbs about the deal not having the majority support in Parliament, say that the agreement enjoys the support of the people. They say that politics in a democracy must ultimately reflect the will of the people. During the Presidential election, the Congress had dismissed the popularity polls by different news channels saying that unlike the US, India does not have a Presidential form of government. Japanese envoy India has to take on the responsibility of guiding the international community in promoting peaceful co-existence, observed outgoing Japanese Ambassador Yasukuni Enoki. Speaking at a function organised by Ficci to honour him, Enoki said: “I strongly expect India to emerge as a respectable leader and introduce to the international society how people of different religions, cultures and languages live together peacefully in a democracy.” What impressed the envoy the most about India was the generosity and tolerance manifested by its people evident in the peaceful coexistence between Hindus and Muslims as well as the harmonious existence between human beings and sundry animals in the midst of a bustling town.
PPCC chief After their defeat at the hands of the Akalis in the assembly and municipal elections, Congressmen in Punjab are at a loss to understand why the party high command is dragging its feet in reorganising the PPCC. There is intense lobbying on for the post of PPCC president. Though several leaders are in the running, a section is believed to have impressed upon Congress president Sonia Gandhi that the next PPCC president should be a Jat Sikh from Majha.
Oil price hike Oil companies are mounting pressure on the government to increase the oil prices. However, the UPA government, which is already under pressure from the Left on the nuclear deal, is not willing to give another issue to the comrades to launch a fresh attack on the Centre. Besides, a price hike will go against the Congress’ common man plank. This the party can’t afford with the possibility of a snap poll looming large. Now it is for Petroleum Minister Murli Deora and Finance Minister P Chidambaram to save the oil companies from losses. Contributed by Prashant
Sood,S Satyanarayanan |
There is but one God, the Supreme Being his name is Eternal Truth. |
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