|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
These critics forget the fact that while Gandhis and Nehrus needed to transcend class to inspire and motivate people below their class, the Ambedkars and Mayawatis need to motivate the Dalits and the depressed to aspire for material success — the kind of success that is symbolised by the western suit, hat and the purse. Scholarly, persuasive and passionately argued, Worshipping False Gods would not have been as scathing in its criticism of B.R. Ambedkar if Arun Shourie had only been a little more sensitive to the historical, social and religious forces that moulded the views of the Dalit icon. He would have been even less devastating in his criticism if he had kept in mind the manner in which gods are created by mankind.
Similarly, his role during the freedom struggle can be better appreciated in the context of the fact that the momentous Bhakti movement and the reawakening in the nineteenth century notwithstanding, the fate of the Dalits had remained sub-human for more than 3,000 years, and that, it was his alignment with the British that forced Mahatma Gandhi to launch a campaign against untouchability. Arun Shourie, as usual, has written this book with considerable passion and well-researched facts. This book is certainly not going to go down well with the ever-increasing number of Ambedkar followers. People need icons to look up to and icons are more often than not born out of myths that human ingenuity creates. Whether we like it or not, the fact remains that but for the "anti-freedom struggle" role of Ambedkar, the Dalits would have never been given reservations, and consequently, an opportunity to progress. At worst, he is but one in a series of "false gods" that mankind has worshipped since times immemorial.
|
||
|
|
||
O
In the context of this
book, suffice it to say that Arun Shourie takes a critical look at the
legend of Ambedkar, and with his well-researched facts and arguments
points out his anti-freedom struggle role, while also questioning his
credentials as a social reformer. But the unkindest cut for many of
his followers today is inflicted by nearly 200 pages of the chapter Manu
of Our Times? that are designed to rob him of the adulation as the
father of the Indian Constitution. But it needs to be borne in mind
that he never claimed to be one and that the compulsions of the modern
Indian politics imposed that title upon him. This is no different than
the messianic qualities that are attributed to men by their followers
to build a legacy that endows them with power over others. This
chapter would have been more effective if the arguments had not
sounded like a demolition job because of the frequent resort to
rhetoric.