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Intellectual activism can revive Punjab

persistent crises are a cause of distress and disquiet in Punjab.

Intellectual activism can revive Punjab

Needed: A prosperous Punjab, again. tribune photo



Amarjit Bhullar and PPS Gill

persistent crises are a cause of distress and disquiet in Punjab. The state saw kaleidoscopic patterns of growth in the 1960s, 70s, and early 80s, stimulated essentially by the growth of agriculture. It is time now for another pattern change: a change of the mindset of all stakeholders, especially the policymakers, for a holistic transformation and re-emergence.

Across decades, political parties have ruled and ruined Punjab. They have been carried away by the "must win and rule" approach, using all means, fair and foul, some even fraught with danger. What they offered to the electorate has bled public finances, burdened taxpayers, and drained the state's exchequer. Sadly, successive governments have engaged in profligacy, splurging on self-aggrandisement and appeasement, imprudent subsidisation, freebies and charitable giveaways. Shamefully, even the elected representatives live off the state's expense, with the state paying up even their income tax! 

This is further complicated by across-the-chain corruption and inefficiency in the bureaucracy. The state's crisis-ridden environment is a consequence of the politico-administrative failure. It is causing anger, frustration, desperation, depression, despondency among people; a feeling of alienation. There are undercurrents of rural disquiet and urban unsettling. Punjab is on the precipice of disaster, waiting to strike and strike big.

The other factors of the growing disquiet are isms and schisms arising from class, caste, sectarian conflicts and socio-economic deprivations and discriminations. These deepening and widening fault lines are vitiating the environment, resulting in a climate of disenchantment. The other woeful worries are drug abuse, toxic nexus of soil, water and air; climate change; exploitation of subsoil water for irrigation. 

The state is stuck in a quicksand of its own making as well as cleverly prodded upon by others. Slowly and steadily, it allowed the demolition of the economic, social and cultural institutions and structures on which it was built. Punjab has performed many journeys from "ruins to riches" with such exemplary traits as work culture, learning attitude, solidarity, simplicity, honesty, sharing, courage etc. Punjab has to reinvent itself.

During crises, the states look up to the Centre for a special financial package or a bailout. Unfortunately, Punjab has received only financial crumbs! The Centre has snubbed Punjab: "Do not to bother about the country's food security; mind your own farmers." Punjabis, collectively, have never believed in such a use and abuse doctrine. Punjabis stood like a rock for India when there were food shortages, even at the cost of the state's resources. So, this comment was so shocking to them.

Punjab is a slow learner; slower still in making course-corrections. Although the drive to overcome the crisis is subdued, yet Punjab is not a gone case. It has lost the waters, but not the steam and stamina to recommence and swim. Punjabis still have the essentials, including learning attitude, solidarity, simplicity, honesty, sharing, courage etc to take on any challenge. But what is needed is direction and a conducive environment. On foreign lands, Punjabis have built castles, courtesy only and only the conducive environment. 

How to rebuild from ruins 

Punjab needs long-term social, economic and environmental perspective plans. No one from outside will help it to get up. It must find the synergy that is missing not only within the state's  political parties, all professing some incomprehensible ideologies and displaying idiosyncrasies, but in the social, political and economic fabric of the state. Political parties’ priority is to come to power and rule and developmental issues are secondary. In this scenario, any expectation of decentralisation of the political or economic powers by the Centre will be a blunder. 

Thus, for any turnaround in Punjab's progress and development, it is imperative to first stabilise the state's fragile financial health, revive the sagging economy, rejuvenate and improve school education and health delivery systems, making them both affordable and quality-rich. This is missing today, especially in rural areas; resuscitate fatigued farms; expand rural infrastructure; restructure industry with stress on agro-processing; restrict rural-urban migration, bridge rural-urban gaps and effectively control mushrooming urban concrete jungles on unapproved and illegal colonies, persistently crying for basic civic amenities.

This requires a common politico-economic agenda and a holistic agriculture-rural development policy; both playing supplementary and complementary roles. For this, rich literature is available with the government in numerous reports on moving on from silo-approach to solutions. Since agriculture, health and education impact all other sectors, these have to be worked upon in sync with needs and aspirations of the people.  So far, no government seems willing to bring order in the orchestrated socio-economic and politico-administrative disorder, where police and civil services are politicised, and politics criminalised. 

Another key area is the development of youth leadership, particularly in rural Punjab. The youth is misdirected in the name of culture promoting drugs, gun and gang culture; and consumerism. The vast army of time-pass, semi-literate, unemployed, unemployable youth, ever willing to go abroad for want of job opportunities at home, poses a big challenge to the state and society. Left uncared and unattended, this very youth is likely to pose problems on the law and order front.

For a turnaround in Punjab, the role of the state is thus very important. But it is doubtful if the conventional political parties and the bureaucracy, given their mindset, will be able to manage the affairs in such a way that all this is achieved. 

It is, therefore, time for the intellectuals, ensconced in universities and autonomous institutions, to come out of their theoretical shells. As a first step, these intellectuals need to interact among themselves and with the stakeholders concerned and prepare a blueprint of action for the social, economic and political restructuring of the state. This blueprint should then be put before the masses to start a positive dialogue. Other actions can follow, if the intellectuals are able to convince the masses that there is a hope and there are solutions. Once intellectual activism strikes roots and spreads, the convinced Punjabis, who have the capacity and capability, will work for the desired turnaround for a resurgent Punjab. 

Amarjit Bhullar teaches economics at the University of Northern British Columbia, Canada. 
PPS Gill is a senior journalist and former Information Commissioner of Punjab.

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