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It’s Kashmir, stupid

IT is indeed heartening to note that after around 75 days of turmoil, the Valley seems to be slowly limping back to normalcy.

It’s Kashmir, stupid

Build bridges: Let the fruits of development percolate the entire Valley.



KM Singh

IT is indeed heartening to note that after around 75 days of turmoil, the Valley seems to be slowly limping back to normalcy. However, one has to keep the fingers crossed, hoping that good sense will prevail among people behind this turmoil with the realisation of the large-scale losses of lives, property, livelihood and loss to economy. 

In his address to the nation on ‘Mann Ki Baat’ on September 25, the PM stated that Kashmiris were beginning to recognise well the true face of the anti- national forces. Highlighting the importance of peace, unity and harmony for progress and development, he expressed optimism in finding solutions to the problems to pave the way for future generations in Kashmir.

This statement of the PM may provide solace to the peace-loving constituency in Kashmir and reassurance to the people of the country. However, looking into the complexities of machinations of various anti-national forces within the Valley and across the border, the optimism envisioned by the PM is a tall order, easier said than done. To attain this, the political leadership may have to tread on a cautious path, taking into consideration the sensitivities of the people, not only in the Valley, but also all three regions of the state. The roadmap should be a well-considered vision document, focused on a long-term development plan, and not a knee-jerk reaction, as has been the case in the past.

In this context, it must be realised that the external factor, bedevilling the situation in Kashmir with state-sponsored terrorism, particularly over the last 25 years, is beyond our control. However, the internal dimension of the problem   is something that has to be taken care of by the Union and the state governments. This would call for a deep introspection into various omissions and commissions by the political leadership over the years, leading to a huge trust deficit in the Valley.

This trust deficit has been fully exploited by elements from across the border. Significantly, the complexion of the uprising has undergone a change in the recent crisis and the movement of ‘azadi’ has transcended human rights issues. This uprising is run by a new post-1990 generation — ‘the children of conflict’ — highly suspicious of customary peace talks with a clear message ‘we don’t want to be part of India’. Hence the need for a visionary initiative to win back the hearts of the Kashmiris.

As far as the handling of the Kashmir situation is concerned, the general impression is that hitherto the main focus of the government has been on conflict management rather than conflict resolution. It has to be realised that it may not be possible to contain the situation and bring about normalcy in Kashmir only by the security forces and the Army. On the contrary, it adds to the trust deficit, leading to alienation of people, a serious problem warranting due consideration.

Lack of any serious initiative by the Union government towards the integration of people in Kashmir with the rest of the country has contributed significantly towards the trust deficit. The Valley is separated from the rest of the country with the high-altitude Pir Panjal range with no connectivity by rail or an all-weather highway. As a result, a very small percentage of Kashmiris have travelled out of the state. High- speed train connectivity and an all-weather highway will not only contribute toward integration, but would also provide the basic infrastructure for any developmental activity.

As far as infrastructure for development activities are concerned, shortage of power in the state is another major constraint. At present, the availability of power in summer is around 16-18 hours in urban areas and 13-14 hours in rural areas, but in winter the availability is just about 8-10 hours. In any long-term development plan, establishment of industries in the state would need to acquire high priority and this would call for manifold enhancement in the availability of power.

Lack of employment opportunities is a major contributory factor with youth falling prey to the exhortations of anti-national elements and playing the role of mercenary stone-pelters. Taking the skill development programme forward in a major way and setting up a large number of small and medium-scale industries across the state may ease the situation to some extent. Significantly, most of the stone-pelters may be seen queuing up in line in case of any recruitment in the Army, security forces and the police. Some sanctioned posts in these organisations are still not filled.

With the leadership of the present uprising being in the hands of misguided youth, whose mindset is conditioned by adverse propaganda against India and in support of global jehad, there is need for a proper education policy. The state has nearly 14 lakh school-going children, but for sheer want of schools providing formal education, a large number of them are  exposed to teachings in madrasas. There is need to have state-run schools in every village in a phased manner. Even in textbooks of state schools there is no chapter on India’s stand on Kashmir and the irrelevance of the UN resolution. The HRD Ministry and the state education department should look into it.

Lastly, there is the issue of lack of consistency in government policy vis-a-vis J&K. Even on issues like dialogue with Hurriyat leaders or engagement with Pakistan, the decision is based on knee-jerk reaction. There is need to have an effective mechanism to deliberate and delineate a long-term policy.  In the present arrangement, the subject is dealt with by the MHA, which has a huge responsibility, besides J&K affairs. As such, the Joint Secretary handling the subject becomes the key decision maker in the normal period. Considering the importance of the Kashmir issue, the suggestion of having a department of Kashmir affairs within the MHA, manned by officers knowledgeable in this field, deserves consideration. This body may be assisted in policy formulation by a think tank comprising experienced and right thinking people from all three regions of the state, besides knowledgeable persons having served in J&K in the civil services, security forces, defence services, intelligence organisations, as also technocrats.

To sum up, a clear-cut visionary policy of the Union government, with full backing of the state government focussing on the development of J&K, welfare of people and integration of Kashmir with the rest of the country is called for.


The writer is a former Special Director, IB

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