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Negotiating Masood Azhar with China

China’s recent decision to block, once again, consensus on the listing of Masood Azhar as an internationally designated terrorist under the UN Security Council Resolution 1267 Committee may have disappointed many in India.

Negotiating Masood Azhar with China


Bhartendu Kumar Singh
Indian Defence Accounts Service 

China’s recent decision to block, once again, consensus on the listing of Masood Azhar as an internationally designated terrorist under the UN Security Council Resolution 1267 Committee may have disappointed many in India. However, the setback notwithstanding, India needs to continuously negotiate Masood Azhar with China.  

China’s anti-terror policy 

The Masood Azhar case, perhaps, reflects the dichotomy in China's policy on terrorism and its compulsions of Sino-Pakistan axis. China perceives terrorism as one of the 'three evils' along with religious extremism and separatism that threaten its domestic stability. It has targeted the activities of the East Turkistan Islamic Movement (ETIM) that advocates independence for Uighur Muslims in its Xinjiang province. Last year, China came out with its first comprehensive counter-terrorism law aimed at suppressing the Uighur Muslims. Also, a Chinese minister was elected vice-president of the Interpol in November, 2016, reflecting China's (so-called) commitment to counter terrorism. In the recent session of the UN, it opposed double standards on counter-terrorism and urged that terrorism not be linked with any country, ethnicity or religion. So, it should have supported declaring Masood as a terrorist. However, the strategic benefits from bilateral relations with Pakistan outweigh its policy on terrorism. China is, perhaps, also indulging in the geopolitics of revenge and waging 'war by other means' with India. 

The  Indian perspective

From the  Indian perspective, the lingering differences over Masood, supplemented with a series of setbacks in the UN Security Council, show that India would continue to have differences with China on terrorism and China would continue to use the superficial blanket of cultural explanation to deny a consensus on the subject in the UN Security Council. The Chinese belief system on the Masood Azhar issue is quite entrenched and is perceived within the contours of Sino-Pak friendship. It is obliged to Pakistan for supporting Chinese war on terror in Xinjiang and neutralising any support from Pakistani soil. Therefore, Indian arguments would make no sense to China unless that belief system is cracked.

India's setback discounts two facts. First, China's present obstacle is in the form of a 'technical hold' that is being extended repeatedly due to differences between the two countries over the 'contours' of terrorism'. The ephemeral nature of the specific issue makes it a negotiable factor. Diplomatic parleys can induce the desired changes in future, at least hypothetically. We do have some milestones where India's diplomatic efforts brought out changes in the Chinese policy. Second, a good beginning was evident in the Xiamen summit of BRICS where the two countries were part of the joint declaration that mentioned for the first time JeM along with other Pakistan-based terrorist groups for spreading violence in the region.

The Indian disappointment over the Chinese approach on Masood Azhar is perhaps because of too many expectations. Daniel Shapiro in his book, 'Negotiating the non-negotiable (2016)' advises that one should not give in to anger, frustration and paralysis of progress. India has been expecting the UN Security Council to show the 'big stick' to Pakistan with Chinese aid, something that goes against the cannons of time-tested friendship of China and Pakistan. 

Bilateral negotiations must

However, India should not get distracted with individual issues for at least two reasons. First, it denies us the window of opportunity for exploring the wider basket of relations without placing the Masood Azhar issue in the centrality of relations. Second, India's priority is its comprehensive national development. That can happen only when India configures its 'geographical dilemma' and manages a peaceful and cordial environment on its borders. These considerations outweigh our gains on Masood Azhar. 

Also, bilateral negotiations with China has been an under-researched subject, best reflected in protracted talks over a series of issues without any tangible gains. But that has been the challenge for many countries negotiating with China. The language problem and the unwillingness to study foreign policy decision-making in China based on primary sources complicate the problem. It is desirable that the Indian academic fraternity studies the intentions, signaling and the push and pull factors that shape China's policies.

India should negotiate Masood Azhar with China without bothering about setbacks. The bilateral strategic dialogue offers the best option. There may not be immediate dividends. In fact, it could even amount to 'dialogue with the deaf'. Deal-making with China is a painful process that call for patience. Thus, there is no other alternative to negotiations. And, therein lies some hope for a deal on Masood Azhar.

(Views are personal)

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