Trading with blind faith

Pramod Kumar

Deras and "religious Babas" are the poor cousins of religion. They are the schoolmasters of subaltern poor and middle class. They have emerged as messengers between the people and God. Alexis Monteli, as early as in the 18th century, observed, “how in all spheres of social life, the lion's share falls to the middlemen. In the economic domain, e.g., financiers, stock exchange speculators, merchants, shopkeepers skim the cream; in civil matters, the lawyers fleece the clients; in politics, the representative is more important than voters, and in religion, God is pushed into background by the mediator (Godmen).” 

These mediators of God liberate their devotees from vices like drugs, drunkenness, wife-beating and efficiently deliver subsidised food and give access to health services unlike the inefficient implementation of the government’s social security schemes. If the State’s institutions do not deliver, it is natural for the people to repose faith in those institutions which deliver and bring "Acchhe Din." The faith of the devotees in the deras acquires moral superiority as compared to other institutions. The devotees’ faith sweeps them away from the governments, political class, judiciary and even the market. This works to the advantage of self-styled Godmen, even if convicted by the courts, their devotees consider them to be innocent and victims of competing vested interests. The blind faith of these devotees is traded. The devotees are traded as voters, private army, donors of labour, body organs, blood, skills etc.  It is their reservoir of power which empowers these Godmen, and makes them acquire a larger-than-life image. The conglomerate of the devotees becomes a clan — they marry amongst themselves (irrespective of their caste, religion or creed), appropriate social capital to acquire jobs and multiply their businesses. Godmen act as arbitrators to facilitate these alliances. This interdependent relationship leaves the political class with no choice but to barter with these Godmen and their followers to garner support in elections. The appeal of these "Babas" is a tonic which is embraced by the political leaders. All the political parties try to outcompete each other in wooing the deras. The deras issue a  diktat to induce people to vote according to their faith rather than their conscience. The Dera Sacha Sauda exercises influence in around 27 assembly constituencies in Punjab.  The deras have made it a practice to venture into the electoral mandi to enhance power.  The devotees not only justify their being traded in politics, but consider it empowering. In turn, these deras and religious "Babas" are provided a shield against the rule of law to allow them to promote their commercial enterprises and personal leisure. 

These deras use the political space so acquired to get State patronage and, coupled with the blind faith of their followers, even subvert the rule of law. Blind faith perpetuates ignorance and garnishes it with moral arrogance — thereby making it convenient to overlook the misdeeds of these powerful “Babas.” Baba Gurmeet Ram Rahim, head of the Sirsa-based Sacha Sauda is facing a case of rape of two sadhvis, charges of murder of a Dera follower Ranjit Singh and journalist Ram Chander Chattarpati and castration of the followers. Similarly, Baba Ram Pal became a bhajan singer and started his own Kabir Panthi sect. He was charged with murder. When the court issued non-bailable warrants in 2014, his supporters armed themselves with petrol bombs, bottles and stones to resist his arrest. He continues to be in jail.  The storm and fury of these followers is demonstrated to pressurise even judicial pronouncements. The institutions of the State are being compromised. 

Is it only the deras as a vote bank that is enticing or there is something more to it? The importance of deras and "religious Babas" acts as an active antidote to the frustration caused in the neoliberal economy by income stagnation, expanding inequality and rampant unemployment in a highly competitive electoral politics. In such a situation, these “religious Babas” emerge as traders of blind faith in a complex neoliberal economy, politics and technologically-driven communication system. These “Babas” use the market-driven mass culture to brainwash their followers, diverting them from real issues and struggles. The use of electronic media, films and social media campaign fill them with false and reactionary views about their social existence.  

For instance, Baba Gurmeet Ram Rahim produced and acted in films to build a larger-than-life image of himself. He produced films like The Messenger 1, Messenger 2, The Warrior Lion Heart, Hind Ka Napak Ko Jawab and Jattu Engineer — all hits at the Box Office. 

Why do the governments appear to be diffident before these religious bigots?  These deras use their appeal to sap the protest of the poor against real sufferings.  To put it in the words of Karl Marx, "religion is…the heart of the heartless world, and the soul of the soulless conditions…  To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions.” The State, instead of changing these conditions, finds it convenient to blur them and use these deras to garner support in the elections. It is partly natural and hardly unreasonable with widespread distrust in the political system, judicial inefficiency, and market fundamentalism. To hide behind this and justify violations by the “Babas” is a clear case of being blinded by the "light itself". However, the question is, to what extent the blind faith in a "religious Baba" and uncritical worship of the so-called spiritual power supposedly possessed by them have to be allowed? How long will the State continue to fiddle with the rule of law to flatter the "Babas" and their followers. It is the constitutional obligation of the political class, and other institutions responsible for promoting and protecting the rule of law to counter the unreasonable claims of these "Babas" which have been accepted blindly by their followers and accommodated by the political class.

The writer is the Director, Institute of Development and Communication, Chandigarh