by V.N. Datta

One concept but several names
Vedic Heritage by Ram Gopal. Spellbound Publications, Rohtak. Pages 189. Rs 300.
Reviewed by by P. D. Shastri

The rights some do not have
Human Rights in a Developing Society by Sankar Sen. A.P.H. Publishing, New Delhi. Pages 293. Rs. 400.
Reviewed by Kuldip Kalia

The advocate of US imperialism

by V.N. Datta

THERE are a few individuals in our times who have so deeply influenced the theory and practice of diplomacy as Henry Kissinger has. The principal adviser to both Nixon and Ford on foreign policy, Kissinger cast his net wide and is chiefly responsible for the formulation of US foreign policy. A man of sharp intellect, Kissinger did masterly surveys of international problems and made a distinct contribution to historical analysis.

In his younger days the focus of his study was the diplomatic history of Europe, particularly the foreign policies of Richlieu, Matternich and Bismarck. Of all the statesman who influenced the course of history, it was Bismarck in whom Kissinger developed abiding interest and on whom he wrote a great deal.

It is Bismarck’s perception of foreign policy that provides the key to the understanding of Kissinger’s thinking. He read and assimilated a great deal of Bismarck’s official correspondence and minutes on foreign affairs and made a considerable effort in understanding the complexity of diplomatic problems.

Kissinger authored in 1994 an important work "Diplomacy" which analysed with his usual perception the twists and turns of diplomatic history from the 18th century to the present times. Despite its vast range and depth of scholarship, this authoritative study remains basically Eurocentric. Curiously enough, it gives only a page and a half to India’s nonalignment which he dismisses as sheer hypocrisy and a clever device to seek benefits both from the Soviet bloc and the USA.

The book under review is "The Kissinger Transcripts: The Top Secret talks with Beijing and Moscow" (edited by William Burr, The New Press, pages 515, $ 30). These transcripts constitute a first-class record of conversations conducted by Kissinger and Nixon with Mao and other leading Chinese and Soviet leaders. Generally, oral history is regarded a low-grade evidence by professional historians because it is a reconstruction in retrospect and contains much which is of only transitory value. But oral history gains its validity and utility when it is supplemented with other sources. When properly used it serves as a means of sizing up men and affairs.

These documents collected with meticulous care by William Burr throw valuable light on the negotiations conducted by Kissinger with Chinese leader Mao Zedong and Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnew in the 1970s. They also present a credible account of Kissinger’s character and his mode of international diplomacy as also the reaction of his critics.

In the preface Burr writes that Kissinger was a "shrewd practitioner of balance-of-power diplomacy." How true!

In his style of conducting diplomacy, Kissinger was no innovator. He followed tenaciously Bismarck’s notion of balance-of-power which from one standpoint meant the maintenance of the independence of powers, and from another point, not allowing any country to acquire such power as to dominate others.

Kissinger regarded diplomacy a game of chess to be played with consummate skill, utmost caution and foresight. He remarked that diplomacy is all skills, not a dogma but a paradigm, which is moving, not fixed. In other words, diplomacy is flexible, ever ready to meet the exigencies of the times to preserve peace order and stability. Kissinger has his admirers and critics.

His admirers are usually the conservatives who value tradition and conventions and are opposed to a radical transformation of society by revolutionary means. His critics dub him a Machievillian, totally incapable of seeing the larger political issues from a moral angle. Self-interest remains the anchor of his foreign policy.

Burr sees Kissinger as a "transitional figure in the complex passage to a post-imperial world." He also describes Kissinger as "a vain and power-hungry flatterer and even a counter-revolutionary" who tolerated human rights abuses in Indo-China. Finally comes the view that Kissinger was "an appeaser of totalitarian government" which implies that he did all he could to cultivate communist dictators. Burr’s own editorial and historical comments are extensive, dealing with the major issues that confronted Kissinger and the way he tried to resolve them.

Most of the documents relate to the three major issues — arms limitations agreement with the Soviet Union, diplomatic contacts with China and the bombing of Cambodia. The Kissinger transcripts add important material to the debate on these matters, though scholars will be divided whether the long and rambling discussions with Mao and Brezhnev really changed the overall picture of the United States cold war policy between 1971 and 1976. But the real value of these documents lie in getting access to the thoughts of China’s leaders as they enable us to put Mao and his colleagues Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaping and Chinese Ambassador to the UN Huang Hua, etc. in a long-range perspective of China’s diplomatic policy.

The reader of these documents will have to decide whether Kissinger succeeded in bending the Chinese leaders to his will or his world-view or the Chinese were using him to their advantage. In other words, the question is whether Kissinger yielded to them more than necessary because he was anxious to establish cordial relations between the USA and China.

Kissinger’s diplomatic move were secret. He never used career American interpreters in his talks, whether with the Soviet or Chinese leaders. The version provided in these transcripts is in the English language recorded by Kissinger’s staff from the renderings made by the Chinese Communist translators.

In his conversations Mao made a few references to the Cultural Revolution, though he pointed out that his own intelligence agencies had not known about Lin Biao’s potential treason. A major focus in the transcripts is on the discussion with Mao that took place between February, 1972, and October, 1975. These provide a valuable source-material on the Chinese perception of international politics. These transcripts also contain an extensive record of discussions on various themes of cardinal importance.

The talks provide much material on the Indo-Pak war of 1971, which was at its bitterest and most dangerous stage. Kissinger emphasises that India was acting as the Soviet Union’s "proxy" and he and Nixon secretly and deceptively tilted US policy towards Pakistan. Kissinger also gives details of American naval movements in the Indian Ocean, reinforcing the information with a map of the Soviet naval positions based on data collected by spy satellites.

Curiously enough, Kissinger does not tell about the pressure that he exerted on the Soviet Union to compel India to withdraw its forces from Bangladesh and come round to negotiate a settlement with Pakistan.

I think that it was the Soviet intervention that made India sign the Shimla agreement on terms that proved advantageous to Pakistan. Kissinger writes, "We want to keep the pressure on India both militarily and politically." In his talks Kissinger was at pains to emphasise that détente with the Soviet Union was in no way designed to isolate China or to render it vulnerable.

Kissinger met Mao again on his visit which ran from 11.30 p.m. on February, 1973, until 1.20 am the following morning. This extensive conversation centred on the problem of Soviet interests and the American long-range goals.

In a lightearted mood Mao suggested the possibility of sending ten million Chinese women to the USA so as to destabilise American society by sharply increasing the population. Kissinger replied, "It is such a novel proposition, we will have to study it."

Burr speculates that possibly Mao had in mind a passage from Confucius in which it is stated that the Qing dynasty thought of sending beautiful women to a rival ruler’s court as one of the immoral but effective ways of unsettling the rival’s government.

In his third visit in November, 1973, Kissinger dealt mainly with the conflicts in West Asia. Mao discussed also Hagel’s philosophy. Mao quipped, "If it were not for Hegel and Feuerbach, there would have been no Marx." The fourth talk Kissinger had with Mao was in the evening of October 21, 1975. Mao was unwell and in a petulant mood. He felt irritated at some of Kissinger’s questions. He told Kissinger in plain terms, "We see that what you are doing is leaping to Moscow by way of our shoulders and these shoulders are now useless."

These documents show how personal diplomacy through conversations when skilfully employed, can achieve a great deal in cultivating relations between countries which are ideologically so different from each other.

One concept but several names

Vedic Heritage by Ram Gopal. Spellbound Publications, Rohtak. Pages 189. Rs 300.

Reviewed by by P. D. Shastri

We Indians are never tired of quoting the famous lines of poet Iqbal, "Yunan, Misr, Roma, sab mit gayae jahan se, lekin abhi hai qayam namo nishan hamara." (Greece, Rome and Egypt have ceased to be major powers. But India marches on. There must be some reason why we live on though the environment has been hostile for centuries.)

How does the poet say that Greece, Rome and Egypt have been wiped out? He actually means that these countries have lost their soul and hence their glory. Once Greece was the mother of civilisation and culture of Europe. So was Roman civilisation; the city of Rome (not Italy) ruled over large parts of the world, including England and France.

Similarly, if India loses its civilisation and culture, we would join the ranks of these "dead" civilisations that once dominated the world with their art and culture.

We have been the jagadguru or teacher of the world in the sphere of religion, spiritualism, morality, meaning of life and the eternal philosophy of God, the hereafter and godly life. Our claim to uniqueness rests on the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Gita, the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, the aranyakas (forest lore) and the rest.

As Jawaharlal Nehru says, "We can never forget the ideals that have moved our race, the dreams of the Indian people through the ages, the buoyant energy and love of life, their spirit of curiosity and mental adventure, the daring of their thought, their love of beauty and freedom, their tolerance of other ways than theirs. We can never cease to take pride in that noble heritage of ours. If India forgets them, she will no longer remain India."

Suppose we forget our Vedas and Upanishads and other works that are the pride of the world and think of nothing beyond the explosion of atom bomb (Pakistan claims to be equal to us in this regard), computer ware, factories and plants and other paraphernalia of modernism. Of course, we must excel in these departments too if we are not to lag behind. But India’s destiny is not to shine as a copy of Europe and America. Can a tree live if you cut off its roots?

The Vedas are the earliest books extant of the human race. The Vedas (from, vid to know) stand for eternal knowledge and immortal thoughts that do not get dated with time; they are timeless.

The book under review provides copious knowledge about the Vedas. The author, quotes hundreds of mantras (verses) of the Vedas, with their explanation and copious comments. It gives us an insight into the Vedas. The author, Prof Ram Gopal (a former Vice-Chancellor of MDU and head of the Sanskrit department, Panjab University) explains the Vedic heritage. He has four books to his credit which drew commendation. They were mostly for the scholars, crammed with erudition; but the present work, he says, is meant for the lay reader (though there is enough to add to the learning of scholars too).

While scholars write for the learned folk and researchers, the masses have to make do with lectures by mediocre preachers and writers, whose strong point is faith and earnestness, rather than erudition or research.

There are 33 gods of the Rig Veda such as Indra, Agni, Vishnu, Mitra, Rudra, Maruts, etc.

There are 250 "suktas" (chapters) on Indira (king of gods) and 200 on Agni (fire). At places Agni is identified with Indra, Vishnu, Varuna, Mitra, Aryaman, Amsa, Tvashtri, Rudra, Maruts, Pusham, Savitar and Bhaga. At places, each one of the Vedic gods is designated as infinite, all-powerful, all-knowing creator of the universe. If each one of the gods were omnipresent and omniscient, there would be many with parallel powers, leading to clashes and chaos.

The central idea is that there is only one God, different names are given according to his functions. For instance, in classical trinity, God as creator is called Brahma, as preserver Vishnu and as destroyer Shiva. It is not a group of 33 gods, each all powerful and fighting for his position; not polytheism, but intrinsic unity in diversity of names. Our author translates the relevant verse of the Rig Veda thus: "They call him Indra, Mitra, Varuna, Agni, and he is the divine good — winged bird (the sun with beautiful rays). The sages describe the one and the same divine being in various ways and call it Agni, Yama and Matarishvan."

Because of the multiplicity of names of one god, there are stories about god’s friendships and rivalries, attributing to them human qualities of being lustful, jealous and crafty. The Mahabharata emphatically declares, "The Veda is afraid of a person of little knowledge, lest he should harm it."

The Vedic language is highly metaphorical. As our author says, taking them in the literal sense leads to absurdity. For instance, Brahma, the creator, created usha (dawn) and hence she is his daughter. He loved her. Men of little learning see it as a case of incest.

Vishwamitra was practising severe penance; Indra, feeling jealous, sent nympth Menaka to disturb his penance. She succeeded. He married her and out of their union Shakuntala was born, who was mother of Bharat, after whom our country is believed to be named Bharat. Indra, lustful and licentious as usual, felt infatuated by the celestial beauty of Tilottama, an apsara. He got thousand eyes to get a thousand-fold view of her. Many such stories occur in Brahmana scriptures, which scholars (including our author) regard as part of the Vedas. (Swami Dayananda regards only mantras and not these as part as the Veda.)

Our author devotes a section to each of the principal gods. He starts with Agni. Agni is the deity of fire (as in havan), fire that in our stomach digests our food; also it stands for enlightenment, gyan, and for heat, light and electricity. At the marriage ceremony, god Agni is the witness. As our author says, every ceremony or sacrament, be it naming a child, mundan, yajnopavita, marriage and on to obsequies, has to be performed to the accompaniment of the Vedic hymns. The priest at these functions sings samas (musical verses of the Saam Veda).

Next comes Indra. With his thunderbolt, he kills his enemy Varitra, the drought, piercing the clouds and makes them yield rain — the life-line of an agricultural community. Western scholars have (mis)interpreted it as the invading Aryans’ victory march into Bharat.

Next comes Varuna, the upholder of all laws, god of waters to the layman, is a king, omnipotent, omnipresent and omniscient, who keeps order and discipline.

There is Rudra who later became Shiva, whom some (perhaps wrongly) regard as a pre-Vedic deity, whom the Aryans adopted as their own.

In the book under review there is a whole chapter on Vedic poetry. The mantras on usha (dawn) are cited as the example of world’s most magnificent poetry. Dawn is a sister of the sun or the night’s elder sister with her multi-coloured garments. Usha goads every living creature to activity.

Our author has complete chapters on the Vedas, and the Mahabharata (the latter’s author is called Veda Vyasa); Veda and the Bhagvad Gita, the Veda and epic legends. The Veda and Valmiki, Veda and Kalidasa (he deals with Bhavabhuti’s poetry too): through dozens of examples, Ram Gopal tries to prove that the Vedas are the pioneering and the single largest force, that like a thread runs through every aspect of our life and every type of literature (just as the echoes of the Biblical language are felt in every piece of English literature).

The whole of the ninth mandal (book) of the Rig Veda (out of a total of ten) deals with Som rasa; drinkers have siezed on this to prove their binominal theorem, though drinking liquor has been designated one of the five eternal patakas (serious sins), according to Manu and Yajna Valkya.

The Vedas are the precious heritage, not of the Hindus or the Indians only, but of the entire human race.

In Gandhi’s own "kuti"

Bapu Kuti — Journeys in Rediscovery of Gandhi by Rajni Kothari. Penguin Books, New Delhi. Pages 334. Rs 250.

Reviewed by Cookie Maini

ALMOST half a century after Bapu’s death, his memory seems to be distant enough not to warrant a hagiographic account but matured enough to objectively analyse the relevance of Gandhism. The book, "Bapu Kuti", is titled after the last home of the Mahatma, a mud hut at Sewagram Ashram, Wardha, built by Madeline Slade alias Mirabehn, out of local, renewable materials, accessible and affordable to even the most humble peasant.

The relevance of Gandhism has triggered major debates lately, which is a good sign, but would have been sacrilegious only a few years earlier. No doubt, plays such as the one on Nathuram Godse stirred a hornet’s nest but the audience accepted "The Man and the Mahatma". Though certain ideas of the Mahatma were rather far-fetched, his ideology has become part of the national psyche. His ideology in its exclusiveness has had worthwhile features and stirred human conscience by its stress on non-violent methods.

In the book, the "kuti" comes alive, again with a dozen young people who turn their back on lucrative professions to embark on a search for practical and humane ways of political and social transformation through the process of a rediscovery of Gandhi. "Bapu Kuti", is both a metaphorical and literal "sutradhar" of these stories. For the legacy of the civilisational Gandhi is enriching diverse movements all over the world. These strivings do not bear Gandhi’s name. And perhaps this would have been the best tribute to Bapu.

In India, Sewagram has become the unofficial centre of a search for alternatives. Located almost at the geographical centre of India, it is almost equidistant from different parts of the country. Over the years, the ashram has added both accommodation and services to cater to hundreds of people. Gandhi actually said, "I do not claim to have originated any new principal or doctrine. I have simply tried in my own way to apply the eternal truths to our daily life and problems." However, for all his self-effacing proclamations, Gandhi’s ideology inspired new philosophical processes and changed the perspective of the Indian freedom struggle.

Today there is renewed stress on natural resources, sustainable development, organic farming and increased use of natural things so the ideas of Gandhi acquire more relevance. "All over India, people are struggling for community control over their natural resource base — jal, jungle, zameen — that is water, forest and land. The protests are directed against a model of ‘development’ which centralises decision-making and favours urban-oriented industrialisation at the cost of rural communities."

In fact, Gandhi had warned against all this. In a similar stream, "the Kuti had the same effect on the small group of young scientists who had invited the architects to Sewagram Ashram. The Kuti was like an oasis for these young people, a place to nurture their ideas and strivings.

"For almost ten years this group, called the Academy of Young Scientists, had scoured the country for clues on forms of strong and comfortable housing that even the poorest Indians could afford. Along the way, they discovered the Bapu Kuti as a living manifestation of all the lessons they learnt in the field. They realised that just as handspun cotton had symbolised self-reliance in cloth, Kuti symbolised self-reliance in housing."

These scientists found that formal history had been unjust to Gandhi. He did not prefer a mud house because it symbolised poverty but became it was synonymous with indigenous creativity.

The author describes how he is captivated by the Gandhian spirit, the amazing spell which had captivated so many contemporaries. The effect of this spirit has a special chapter dedicated to it. There are different stories, different individuals in diverse areas but unanimous in upholding the Gandhian spirit and ideology.

For instance, T Karunakaran says in his tale "From Worryland to Merriland": "Bapu Kuti was playing host to friends old and new. They sat in small clusters under the generous shade of the trees planted half a century ago by Mahatma Gandhi and his friends.

"Even as meetings of Sewagram Ashram go, this one had an exceptionally varied mix of persons. There were scientists, philosophers and ageing Gandhi-lovers from at least three continents. A large contingent of peace activists had come from Italy. There were a few, young, Khadi-clad Americans on a Gandhi pilgrimage who had just stumbled upon the international gathering. And there were a few score young Indian students and activists."

Among them was the frantically busy Professor Karunakaran. The short, wiry and ever-beaming "Karuna" had devoted several months to help organise this international conference in January, 1993. The event was to commemorate the birth centenary of Joseph Cornellius Kumarappa, the Gandhi-inspired economist who wrote about an "economy of permanence" full four decades before "sustainable development" became fashionable. Karuna was there to render service to the memory of his guru and exchange notes with kindred spirits on how economy of permanence can be a reality in the 21st century.

Amid technologies created for rapid obsolescence and economies thriving on waste, how did Karuna have the confidence to insist that an economy of permanence is not only possible but imperative and even inevitable? For one, he sees the world quite differently. What are generally seen as "developed" and "developing" countries, he sees as "ruined countries" and "racing-to-be-ruined countries". Karuna has a complex formula for India to opt out of this race.

It relies neither on state-run development programmes nor on the Wall Street variety of "market force". The answer, Karuna believes, lies in social entrepreneurship which would tap the creative energies of the "last man". The essence of Karuna’s dream is conveyed by the name of the schools he initiated — Mazhalaippoonga meaning "merriland" in Tamil as opposed to "hurry-land and worry-land which is what most of life is becoming".

To understand the origins of Karuna’s "merriland" dream, we need to travel back in time to a thatched roof home which in its simplicity and austerity may not have been very different from Bapu’s Kuti or Kumarappa’s mud home, still preserved at Maganwadi, Wardha. This is the story of an IIT graduate who has the options to go to the USA but prefers instead to stay and work in the rural areas, on the Gandhian themes of making the rural area a self-sufficient unit in every respect, be it entrepreneurship or self-employment.

Each take is one of indomitable courage, sacrifice, commitment to the cause these individuals strove for, be it Karunakaran, Ravindra Sharma, C.V. Seshadri, Baba Amte or Kumarappa. The core of this work is implementation of the remarkable ideas of Gandhi for rural India. Of course, the Mahatma would rue at the sorry state of our urban elite — the stench of communalism, absence of principles, glaring inequality, political manoeuvring and a collapse of the system which was built by our leaders on the ashes of the colonial empire.

Gandhian philosophy is rather controversial; some feel it is rather antiquated in today’s scene of economic liberalisation, global shrinkage due to Internet, market capitalism and industrial development. However, the relevance of his philosophy is perhaps to counter the maladies caused by these very factors.

"This question haunts those who see themselves fighting a losing battle in a world hurtling towards a science fiction nightmare. In that case, a segment of the world’s population will continue to live in tightly-encased enclaves of affluent existence in ecological and economic wastelands. This scenario is already a stark reality for millions — whether in mega-cities like Delhi or thousands of resource-starved villages."

Then there are others who see that the civilisation is poised at a critical, perhaps inevitable, turning point. They believe that the ecological and moral crisis created by two centuries of modern industrial "development" has generated compulsions for a fundamental change which must shape life in the 21st century. These are the people who have firm faith in the power of an idea whose time has come.

Gandhi is relevant as a signpost to the dawning millennium. In every situation we now need conciliation and not confrontation as it will lead only to the annihilation of humanity. Even though, our nation has in total antithesis of the Mahatma’s philosophy, chosen to go nuclear.

The rights some do not have

Human Rights in a Developing Society by Sankar Sen. A.P.H. Publishing, New Delhi. Pages 293. Rs. 400.

Reviewed by Kuldip Kalia

Respect for dignity, equality and rights of all is basic to freedom, justice and peace. Human rights are not mere ideals but fundamental objectives. There must be empowerment of all people. But the world is still far from realising these objectives. So instances of human rights violations, poverty and famine, illiteracy and racism call for the renewal of our commitment to creating a world where dignity of human life is recognised and maintained.

The book under review deals with a wide range of topics relating to human rights problems like exploitation of women and children, appalling conditions in jails, gender disparity and violence, faulty functioning of the criminal justice system. Also covers comprehensively the philosophy, theory and strategies of human rights, highlights the initiatives taken by the National Human Rights Commission for the protection and promotion of these rights. A distinctive character is its analytical discussion on the rights of the victim of crime.

About half a century ago, the United Nations pledged its commitment to human rights by adopting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It stressed the need for international cooperation to realise these rights. With this, the culture of human rights spread throughout the world.

The word "universality" generated a debate in Asian countries. It is believed that these rights are being used to establish political and ideological hegemony. And it is therefore nothing short of moral and cultural imperialism. However, such criticism also amounts to justifying authoritarian regimes at home, particularly branding it as "western imposition". But the human rights are not foreign to any culture.

Human rights abuses such as torture, rape, arbitrary detention and exploitation are the worst forms of cruelty and calls for vigilance, persuasion and persistence. The convention against torture, adopted by the UN General Assembly, set in motion the process of the prosecution or extradition of those who indulged in such crime. Ironically, India has not signed the convention, but under Sections 330 and 331 of the Indian Penal code, torture is a punishable offence.

Right to compensation to the victim of crime is upheld by the Supreme Court. Most of these victims belong to the poor and deprived classes. However, these stringent laws and court rulings have failed to check the increasing incidence of torture.

Besides the convention against torture, the convention on the rights of migrant workers, optional protocol to the international convention on civil and political rights, and the second optional protocol aimed at abolition of death penalty have not been ratified by India. Even the standards for juvenile justice are yet to be adopted.

Undoubtedly, poverty is the most potent cause, particularly in the Third World countries, which undermines the dignity of the people. This, perhaps, led to the issuing of a declaration on the "Right to Development". It also reaffirmed that human right is the core of human development. The Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action reiterated that the debate on the primacy of civil and political rights over socio-economic rights or vice versa are meaningless because rights are interelated and indivisible.

So learning and educating about rights not only helps people to assert these rights but also generates respected for others’ rights. It is not out of context to mention that the main mission of UNESCO is to protect and promote a free flow of ideas, information and opinion and thereby play a significant role in the promotion of human rights education.

The need for teaching the common language of humanity among people is also emphasised in the Vienna Convention. On the home front, the Sikri committee considered the different ways and means for promoting education and suggesting various approaches at different levels. Even the NCERT supported the idea of extending the scope of rights education. Students are encouraged to participate actively in essay competitions, debates and seminars.

The National Human Rights Commission does not lag behind in this mission, particularly in seeking help from the so-called powerful instrument, that is, mass media, and also helping the institutions and organisations engaged in such activities.

To be closely watched are custodial deaths, exploitation of woman and children, including cases of rape of minor girls and dowry deaths. Incidents of dowry deaths have assumed an alarming dimension. Amendment to the criminal law by adding more sections to the Indian Panel Code has failed to deter the would-be violators.

The excessive use of force, torture and brutally are the main reasons for deaths in police custody. Unfortunately the frequency of such instances is increasing. The National Police Commission analysed the problem and suggested measures, including a mandatory judicial inquiry in all such cases. Even the National Human Rights Commission asked for a report on such cases, and said the police should not be made the villain. Other factors equally responsible for such happenings are the tremendous pressure on the police, inadequate manpower, legal impediments and malfunctioning of the judicial system.

The tendency of taking law into one’s own hand is also a matter of great concern and such a tendency sometimes leads to the lynching of a criminal. This reflects scant regard for law among people which may be due criminals escaping punishment too often.

Moreover, the tendency to view rape as a sex crime needs to be changed. Certainly rape is an act of violence. The only difference with other happenings is that sex is used as a weapon. The desire to humiliate determines such aggression.

Child abuse is also widespread. A majority of victims belong to the depressed segments of society and live in slums. When such victims are not properly rehabilitated, they become a vital source for prostitution. Ironically more than 15 per cent of prostitutes are believed to be children. In some cases, a daughter is an insurance for the ageing prostitute mother. Greater vigilance is needed to weed out such intentions.

Child labour is another field where human rights are always violated. Perhaps free and compulsory education to all up to 14 years of age will keep a check on the widespread problem.

Regarding exploitation of women in certain professions, initiative has to be taken for creating awareness and strengthening knowledge of their rights. Moreover, steps for the prevention and deterrence or combating violence include an amendment to criminal laws and mobilising the public opinion.

The criminal justice system has failed on many accounts like the long delay in delivery of justice and criminals going scot-free. Undertrials rot in jails for years together. Even the directives of the Supreme Court are not followed. Prisons do not function on modern and scientific penological lines. A positive indication is the increasing number of public interest litigation seeking directions for the implementation of such rights or privileges or provisions which are being denied.

The most neglected and forgotten in the criminal justice administration is the victim of crime whose needs are to be taken care of because compensation, help, justice and counselling are his basic rights. There is hardly any provision which makes it mandatory for the state to pay him compensation. The National Human Rights Commission is dedicated to advance the cause of the underprivileged and vulnerable groups of society. The author deserves a word of appreciation for dealing with the complexities of human rights violations in a lucid manner and that too without indulging in any kind of verbal jugglery.