Friday, September 3, 1999
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Friday, September 3, 1999 |
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BSP supporters’ role
to be crucial ROPAR: In this reserved parliamentary constituency, candidates of the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) and the Sarb Hind Shiromani Akali Dal (SHSAD), Mrs Satwinder Kaur Dhaliwal and Mrs Balbir Kaur Khalsa, respectively, claim that their straight fight is with the Congress candidate, Mr Shamsher Singh Dullo. While Mr Dullo says his fight is with the candidates of both the Akali Dals, on the issue of communalism vs secularism. This attitude of these candidates make the contest a triangular one, otherwise most of the people to whom TNS interviewed during the tour of the constituency in different assembly segments considered it to be a straight fight between the Congress and the SAD. From the survey of this constituency, it seems that this time it will not be a cakewalk for any of these three candidates. There are three independent candidates also in the fray. It may be mentioned here that during the last three elections in 1996, 1997 (by election) and 1998, the seat was captured by the candidates of the SAD. Of the nine assembly segments of this constituency, six are represented by SAD. Mrs Dahliwal is supported by the BJP and the Bahujan Samaj Morcha (BSM), while the Congress candidate is backed by the CPI and the CPM. The SHSAD candidate has the support of the BSP, the BKU, the MCPI, the SAD (Panthic), the SAD (A) and the SAD (Democratic). In this election, the SHSAD will cut into the SAD’s vote bank. Besides, people also feel that split in the SAD will benefit the Congress, while the SHSAD workers and leaders say that the elections will decide which is the real Akali Dal. In urban areas of this constituency, the SAD-BJP alliance and the Congress seem to be in a strong position. However, being in power, the SAD-BJP alliance has been facing an awkward situation as people are annoyed with it on the issues of privatisation of octroi posts and non-abolition of octroi, economic crisis poor or no development in their respective areas, hike in domestic power rates and non-performance etc. The Congress also faces such situation due to corruption charges against its candidate, Mr Dhullo. The SHSAD, led by Mr Gurcharan Singh Tohra, is banking on the issue of supremacy of Akal Takht, corruption charges against the Congress and its candidate and non-performance of the SAD-BJP government. The SHSAD has its pockets of influence in the assembly of Morinda, Chamkaur Sahib, Sirhind and Amloh. The village of the SHSAD chief, Mr Tohra, also falls in the Amloh segment. There is another factor which can will play vital role in this constituency i.e. the BSP voters. The BSP is an ally of the SHSAD. But as the BSP is not contesting on the seat, people feel that BSP votes may be divided among the three party candidates. The three candidates have promises to strive hard for the all-round development of the constituency. Mr Dullo, promises equal distribution of funds among all Assembly segments of the constituency from MPs Local Area Development Fund, if elected to Parliament. He says he would work for the development of rural areas. Mr Dullo also promises the opening up of big industrial units for the constituency. He says he would also make earnest efforts for the construction of bridges and railway over-bridges. Regarding the Capital Periphery Act, Mr Dullo remarks that he, would urge the government to enhance “lal dora” on the Delhi pattern to provide relief to the residents covered under the Periphery Act. Mr Dullo also promises subdivison status for the historical town of Chamkaur Sahib. Mrs Satwinder Kaur Dhaliwal, says, if elected to the Lok Sabha, she would strive hard to get the approval for the construction of railway over-bridges at Dhuri and Nabha, besides a railway under-bridge at Khanna, from the Union Government. Mrs Dhaliwal also assures the voters of Amloh and Chamkaur Sahib Assembly segments that she had got an assent from Bibi Jagir Kaur, SGPC President to open girls’ colleges at Bhadson and Chamkaur Sahib. She also said she would send a representation to the Union Government to include Ropar town in the Ropar Lok Sabha constituency. Bibi Balbir Kaur Khalsa, SHSAD candidate, says her priority would be the problem of water logging from the Chamkaur Sahib area and other areas in the constituency. She states she would also give priority to the construction of bridges on rivulets like Siswan and Budhki on the Ropar-Chamkaur Sahib road. Bibi Khalsa says she will also work for the neglected villages to provide them basic amenities.She is also of the view that “lal dora” of the villages should be expanded in view of the increasing population. She states that she would also force the central government to construct railway over-bridges at Sirhind, Fatehgarh Sahib, Kurali, Dhuri and Morinda. |
She also assures the voters that she would
make efforts for the opening of a girls’ college at
Amloh and the halting of a train Sachkand Express at
Sirhind, besides abolition of the Periphery Act. |
Regional factors may take back
seat SHIMLA: Caste and regional factors, which dominated the earlier elections, may not have much impact during the ensuing Lok Sabha poll in Himachal Pradesh. The Congress and the BJP, the two main political contenders, have been exploiting regional sentiments to the hilt in every election. In the process, the state has been over the years divided into politically two distinct regions with the upper hills or old Himachal identifying with the Congress and the lower hills or merged areas with the BJP. So significant has been the divide that the assembly poll in the state was often described as a battle of supremacy between the apple, which grows in upper hills, and the orange, the main produce of lower hills. The regional factor came into play after the merger of Punjab hill areas with Himachal. Congress leaders from merged areas, who resented the continued dominance of leaders from old Himachal, raised the banner of discrimination against Kangra. Later, the BJP used the same ploy to broaden its base in merged areas. Compared to the Lok Sabha poll, caste and regional factors become more pronounced during the assembly elections when state issues dominate. Moreover, over the past few years the two parties have tried to expand their base in each other’s domain. Mr Virbhadra Singh started the “winter move” to woo the people of Kangra. He made long sojourns at Dharamsala, the divisional headquarters of Kangra, a regular feature. He also set up a medical college in the district and started other developmental schemes to dispel the impression that the Congress was anti-merged areas. The Dhumal government has also made efforts to win over the people of old Himachal and tried to shed the “anti-apple growers” image. It made the largest-ever procurement of over 70,000 tonnes of apple last year and also increased the support price by 25 paise per kg. It upgraded the District Hospital at Sirmaur, from where the BJP did not win any seat, to a zonal hospital. The caste factor seems
to have been rendered irrelevant as both parties have
fielded Rajput candidates from Mandi and Hamirpur and
ignored the dominant Backward Castes and Rajput community
in the Kangra constituency. |
Kashmir valley JAMMU: Out of six Lok Sabha constituencies, four constituencies of Srinagar, Anantnag, Baramula and Udhampur in the state are key seats because of personalities involved in the contest. If one has to sum up the pre-poll scenario in the three constituencies in the Kashmir valley it could be described as a major political tussle between the National Conference President, Dr Farooq Abdullah, who has fielded his son, Omar Abdullah, from Srinagar, and Mufti Mohammed Sayeed who has fielded himself from Anantnag and his daughter Ms Mehooba Mufti from Srinagar. The Srinagar and Anantnag segments are key constituencies as the poll results will determine the fate of the old political rivals. The Baramula constituency has emerged a key seat only because of Prof Saifuddin soz contesting as an Independent candidate. No doubt he has won from the constituency since 1984 the importance of Mr Soz being in the field this time is only due to his vote against the motion of confidence moved by Prime Minister, Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, which led to the fall of the BJP-led Government at the Centre. His vote had made Prof Soz a hero and it is to be seen whether his shine has worn out or he could still prove his political strength by defeating two main contestants, one belonging to the PDP and the other to the National Conference. For the BJP, Udhampur is the key constituency as its senior most leader, Prof Chaman Lal Gupta, is reseeking election. Prof Gupta was elected to the Lok Sabha from Udhampur in 1996 and in 1998. Though Ms Mehbooba, as Leader of the Congress Legislature Party for over two years, has already made her presence felt in the Kashmir political scene, the contest on the Srinagar scene is ultimately going to be a tussle between Dr Abdullah and Mufti Mohammed Sayeed. Omar Abdullah had won the Srinagar seat in 1998 and it was no longer a secret then his victory was the result of his being the son of the Chief Minister. Analysts believe that if Omar Abdullah makes it again to the Lok Sabha it would be because of being a scion of Abdullah family. The National Conference circles treat Anantnag a key constituency not because the Revenue Minister, Mr Ali Mohammed Naik, is contesting on the NC ticket but on account of the ruling party’s strong bid to defeat the Mr Sayeed. Again the NC has many interests in the Baramula constituency. If its candidate, Abdul Rashid Shabeen, is able to win it will be treated as “poetic justice” by the National Conference. The ruling party is as much keen to outclass Prof Soz as Muzaffar Hussain Beg of the PDP. Muzaffar Hussain Beg does not fall in the category of “I also ran” candidates. He has contested on several occasions in the past and polled over 90,000 votes. It appears Mr Muzaffar Beg and Mufti Mohammed Sayeed may have an edge over their rivals in Baramula and Anantnag constituencies, respectively. As far as the Srinagar seat is concerned Omar Abdullah has regained much of his lost ground because of the campaign launched by the Chief Minister, Dr Farooq Abdullah, and his ministerial colleagues. In Udhampur constituency, it appears that the BJP candidate, Prof Chaman Lal Gupta, may an edge over his 15 other rivals. And understandably the BSP, the Congress and the NC are trying to achieve the task of defeating the BJP candidate. Even in the light of threat from the United Jehad Council, a constituent of 14 militant and secessionist groups, that those who participate in polling will face severe consequences. Electorates keep a watch on these four constituencies because troubled Doda district is a part of Udhampur constituency. In case a majority of
the electorate abstain from polling it might benefit the
National Conference candidates in the three
constituencies of Srinagar, Anantnag and Baramula. It is
in this context that the PDP and the Congress candidates
are persuading the electorates not to heed to the boycott
call. |
Saharanpur SAHARANPUR: This historic city, where Swami Dayanand Saraswati had founded the Arya Samaj, is likely to witness a tough contest between the BJP and the Lok Dal led by Mr Ajit Singh. After the poll pact between the Lok Dal and the Congress, the road to the victory for the BJP’s Mr Naqli Singh is full of potholes. The Congress, which was in the fray last time, has left this seat for the Lok Dal. However, the Samajwadi Party led by Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav has put up its nominee Mohammad Irshad once again to face Kazi Rashid Mashood of the Lok Dal. Last time, the Kazi was defeated as he had left the Lok Dal and joined the Samajwadi Party which he ultimately left to rejoin the Lok Dal. The Kazi had won this seat on four occasions. In 1991, the BJP candidate, Mr Naqli Singh, was. defeated by the Kazi. However, Mr Naqli Singh avenged his defeat in 1996 by defeating the Kazi. During the 1998 poll also, Mr Naqli Singh had polled 2,75,103 votes against 1,49,751 polled by the Kazi. Mr Kanshi Ram, President of the BSP, who was in the fray had also polled 2,15,267 votes. The Kazi is reported to have lost because Mr Mohammad Irshad of the Samajwadi Party had polled 1,43,243 votes which seemingly came from the Muslim community, thus creating a major dent in the support of the Kazi. This time, the contest is much fierce. As the Kazi this time enjoys the support of the Congress also, he is likely to give a tough fight to Mr Naqli Singh. The BJP candidate, who is a Gujjar leader, has the backing of the punjabi community also. Punjabi leaders like Mr Laj Kishan Gandhi are out to support him fully. Another plus point for Mr Naqli Singh is he has maintained his links with voters and also undertaken developmental works in the rural areas. But he seems to face an uphill task because of the divisions in the BJP leadership. For instance, the BJP MLA from Sarsawa, Mr Nirbhay Pal Singh, has already resigned from the BJP to oppose Mr Naqli Singh. He is upset that his nomination by the BJP has not been considered. But at the same moment, Mr Naqli Singh is likely to gain amongst the voters of his community because of the stiff opposition by the Congress leader Yashpal to the nomination of the Kazi. The Chaudhary, who had also represented Saharanpur in Parliament, did not like the idea of the Congress having a poll pact with the Lok Dal. The Kazi, who had all along been a political heavyweight, could not be taken lightly. His main plus factor is that of late there has been realignment among the Muslim voters. During the past five years, the Muslim voters had come under the influence of Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav. But of late, the Muslims seem to have slowly started moving towards the Congress. Moreover, the Saharanpur areas had remained a stronghold of the BSP during the past few years. But its influence had reportedly been waning because of the dictatorial attitude of Ms Mayawati. That was why Mr Kanshi Ram had to taste defeat during the last elections from Saharanpur. Otherwise, the party had fought and won many battles in support of the Dalits and backward classes in Saharanpur. In the changed political scenario, the backward classes also appear to be backing the Congress. Therefore, the Lok Dal-Congress pact could benefit the Kazi. The main drawback which
the Kazi faces is staunch opposition of Mr Ram Sharan
Dass, president of the state unit of the Samajwadi Party.
Mr Dass belongs to Saharanpur and has cultivated lot of
support in the city. He is likely to create main dent in
the support of the Lok Dal candidate as he seemingly has
his links amongst all communities. |
Wooing Delhi voters through
Internet NEW DELHI: The Internet is turning out to be a major attraction for candidates who are trying their level best to reach out to the maximum number of people while wanting to keep their expenditure in check. The world-wide web is being used by candidates in the fray for the parliamentary elections in the Capital to woo voters. Though this technology-savvy method of wooing the voters in the Capital was started by the Congress candidate, Mrs Meera Bharadwaj, during the Delhi Assembly poll last year, the BJP candidates have also been bitten by the IT bug. The former Chief Minister of Delhi and the BJP candidate for Outer Delhi seat, Mr Sahib Singh Varma, was one of the first to launch a website giving details about his professional achievements and the promises for the electorate. The website is reported to have received enthusiastic response, specially from non-resident Indians, who have expressed ‘support’ for the BJP. Taking a cue from Mr Varma’s website, the BJP candidate from South Delhi, Prof Vijay Kumar Malhotra and the BJP candidate from the Karol Bagh reserved constituency and the Delhi Mayor, Dr Anita Arya, have also launched their own websites. Justifying the need for a website, Prof V.K. Malhotra, said it would enable him to have greater reach to the electorate. “People can know about my achievements and other details at the click of a mouse,” he said. Not just candidates backed by political parties but also Independents have joined the cyber race. An Independent from the South Delhi parliamentary constituency, Mr Dinesh Jain, has managed to grab a part of the limelight through his website — www.dineshjain.nd2.com. A web master explained that the challenge in hosting a web page for a politician is to ensure that not only the web designing is attractive but also all achievements of the candidate are listed. It is not just the candidates who are making their presence felt on the Internet, many other web pages are being hosted which are related to the elections. There are several websites which encourage the Net-user to give their opinion on different issues and participate in Net poll. There are several websites like www.indiamart.com which gives details of all constituencies, election results, scale of operations, daily news update, views, analysis, comments, features, discussion boards, cartoons, opinion poll and several things which a voter may want to know. Another website www.indiainfo.com has got a dedicated section on the elections, which gives various aspects of the last General Election of the millennium. The web page is updated constantly and is packed with various historical and generic information such as how to exercise one’s vote, a gist of the manifestos of the various political parties in the fray and a detailed profile of all members of Parliament. The website also has exclusive interviews of various politicians, articles by columnists and analysis of the poll by experts. The Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Limited (MTNL) in its website www.bol.net.in has made arrangements to extensively cover the elections. The website will feature party profiles, key contenders, party alliances, party manifestos, election schedules, opinion poll, election statistics, election news and state and regional scenarios. While the BJP claims
that it was among the first to launch a website, the
recently launched website of the Congress President, Mrs
Sonia Gandhi, has grabbed the attention of netizens. Mrs
Gandhi’s site among other things features a photo
gallery and recordings of her speeches. |
Hi-tech Naidu changes
tactics HYDERABAD: In a span of three weeks starting from Sunday, people of Andhra Pradesh are expected to give their verdict on the performance of their high-profile Chief Minister Nara Chandrababu Naidu who leads the Telugu Desam for the first time to the elections to the state assembly simultaneously with the Lok Sabha poll. Mr Naidu, who has acquired the image of high-tech and computer-savvy "chief executive officer" of the state, has chosen to pack his system and opted for more direct contact with people at grassroots while on the political plane he has joined hands with the BJP. Having aligned with the BJP-led coalition in the 12th Lok Sabha, Mr Naidu eventually came to an understanding with the BJP giving the party a share of eight of the 42 seats in the Lok Sabha and 24 of the 294 in the state Legislative assembly. The ostensible reason for the two parties to join hand was the fight the common enemy, the Indian National Congress, a party that hopes to recapture power in this southern state which was its citadel till the early eighties. For the first time since the BJP-TDP arrived at an understanding, leaders of the parties, Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and Mr Naidu shared the platform to signal the decision to work together. But if Tuesday's rally in the city is an indicator, the rank and file of both the parties are yet to come to terms. Having been at each other’s throat for a considerable period of time, they are clearly confused. However, top TDP and BJP leaders are confident that what is being witnessed is an aberration which would be sorted out soon. The TDP, which was the moving force behind the United Front government at the Centre between 1996--98, has switched sides with ease. If the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) has partners from minorities like Mr George Fernandes, Dr Farooq Abdullah of the National Conference, Mr Parkash Singh Badal of the SAD and Mr M Karunanidhi of the DMK, then the concept of secularism holds good, according to TDP General Secretary C. Ramachandraiah, MP. The Congress is out to prove that the TDP is the villain, having sided with the BJP and that Mr Naidu had done precious little to improve the standard of living of those who reside in villages. In fact, the party has stepped up campaign against Mr Naidu and perhaps taking a leaf out of the SAD in Punjab, the state unit of the Congress has promised to provide free power to farmers and extending the benefit to some lower strata of society. The TDP hopes to encash on the development schemes ushered in by Mr Naidu to cater to the basic amenities like water, power and roads, both for the urban and rural areas in the State. Having successfully steered the state with strong administration and iron-like grip over the party, Mr Naidu faces twin challenge. This will be the first time after he took over as Chief Minister that he is leading the party in the assembly elections. In addition he had clasped the hand of the BJP, putting at stake his ‘secular’ image and facing the general elections unlike in 1998. Both the Congress and the TDP are banking on the nearly 20 per cent minority votes in the state. This time the former could be a beneficiary. There are other factors also. The "bomb culture" in the Rayalseema area comprising Kurnool, Cuddapah, Anantpur and parts of Prakasam district where political workers of rival parties are known to use crude explosive with lethal effect. Such is the intensity that a minister in Mr Naidu cabinet, Dr K. Sivaprasad Rao, has come under the odium of "manufacturing" bombs at his residence in Narsaraopeta in Guntur district when four persons were killed last week. The issue has put Mr Naidu under pressure since his party has charged that the Congress was patronising such culture in the state. To a lesser extent is the problem of Naxalism in the districts of Warangal, Karimnagar, Adilabad, Nizamabad, and parts of Visakhapatnam in the Dandakaryana area shared by Orissa and Madhya Pradesh, with the dreaded Peoples War Group (PWG) announcing "poll boycott" against Mr Naidu. The Congress not only
hope to wrest the seat of power in Hyderabad but also to
match its performance of bagging 22 seats in the Lok
Sabha. The presence of the Left parties is not expected
to make much impact in the state. |
PM’s ‘blue-eyed boy’ faces stiff contest TIRUCHIRAPALLI: The “blue-eyed boy” of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, Union Power Minister Rangarajan Kumaramangalam, is lock-horned in a stiff one-to-one fight with veteran Congress man and four-time winner L. Adaikalaraj in this temple town, which goes to the polls on September 5. There are 13 candidates, including Tamil Maanila Congress (TMC) nominee M. Rajasekaran, in the fray. But the real battle is between the two titans. “It is going to be a tough fight this time”, concedes Mr Kumaramangalam who had managed to scrape through last time, shunting out local strongman Adaikalaraj with a slender margin of 11,000 and odd votes. The defeat to “an outsider” came as a rude shock for the veteran, who had won all four previous elections since 1984 with a margin of more than a lakh. Mr Adaikalaraj had contested the poll as a TMC nominee. Attributing his bad show to a poor turnout of minorities, especially Muslim voters, in the wake of the bomb blasts in Coimbatore, Mr Adaikalaraj, who quit the TMC and rejoined the Congress just before the announcement of the elections, is determined to stage a comeback. Tiruchirapalli is the only constituency in Tamil Nadu that both Mr Vajpayee and Congress President Sonia Gandhi have visited in the run-up to the poll. Mr Adaikalaraj is now undertaking a vigorous door-to-door campaign in every nook and corner of this partly industrial and agriculture-based constituency. The Election Commission’s restriction on candidates to Limit the poll expenditure to Rs 15 lakh has been given a go-by. This is evident from the banners, festoons, multi-coloured posters and wall paintings put up by both candidates, even in remote villages. Music programmes, folk dances and cultural shows are some of the means being employed by Mr Adaikalaraj to woo voters, while Mr Kumaramangalam seems to be banking on the strength of his being a Union Minister. Mr Adaikalaraj may have toiled for two decades to establish his hold on the traditionally Congress bastion. But Mr Kumaramangalam, who quit the Congress and joined the BJP shortly before the last elections, has achieved the feat in just 14 months. While being a Union Minister, he not only utilised every opportunity to visit the constituency but also brought all top leaders, including Mr Vajpayee, when the party organised its state conference here. The Union Minister’s role in getting constructed four railway overbridges, a long-felt need of the people, is the talk of the town. The Internet connectivity to this town and the proposed installation of independent Internet server are some of his other major achievements. Mr Kumaramangalam is appealing to the people to give the BJP a full five-year term to make this town the economic capital of the state. Mr Adaikalaraj regrets that the lack of publicity for the good work he has done for the constituency during his previous four terms is costing him dear. Sanction for the four railway bridges, for which Mr Kumaramangalam takes the credit, was secured by him when he was the member of the consultative committee of the Railway Ministry during 1993-94, he claims. The two candidates have reposed faith in their respective front leaders, the AIADMK and the DMK. However, a pall of gloom had descended on the town following the sudden death of DMK legislator Anbil Poyyamozhi who the represented Tiruchirapalli-II Assembly segment. This has dampened the enthusiasm of the DMK cadres. The fact that DMK MLAs
represent the remaining five assembly segments —
Tiruchirapalli-I, Musiri, Lalgudi, Srirangam and
Thiruverumbur — could be an advantage for Mr
Kumaramangalam. In the last elections, he had polled more
votes than Mr Adaikalraj only in two segments —
Musiri and Srirangam. |
It is political obscenity! GANDHINAGAR: Gujarat may not produce another Santokben whose life as a rebel against a male-dominated society inspired the making of National Award winning film “Godmother”. Perhaps there is no need for another godmother because even ordinary women, by and large, have now become more assertive than they were about a decade ago. The archetypal “Gujju behn” has been reinvented as a thinking woman who has the courage of conviction to at least raise her voice against the perceived misdeeds of the so-called men of substance. What better proof can there be of the beginning of a gender revolution in Gujarat than the reaction of women, cutting across party lines, to the gender insensitive rhetoric of leaders during the campaign for the Lok Sabha elections. They have expressed their displeasure over the kind of language used by Mr Pramod Mahajan, Mr George Fernandes and now Mr Murli Manohar Joshi for attacking Congress President Sonia Gandhi. As Vimlaben, a housewife, put it, “I may still vote for the Bharatiya Janata Party; but I will not remain silent when leaders seek to change the language of political discourse. If I have to be privy to the most degrading form of political obscenity, I would rather watch MTV than listen to Pramod Mahajan”. She was not alone in criticising the gender insensitivity of politicians, mostly belonging to the BJP. When Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee for the umpteenth time distanced himself from the misdeeds of his colleagues feminists in Gujarat were not impressed. “The rehearsed act of his being the good guy among bad people is becoming a bit too predictable and boring” was how a leading woman lawyer and member of the Forum Against Oppression of Women reacted to his appeal for exercising restraint during the election campaign. To prove their point that Mr Vajpayee did not always mean what he said in public, some women social workers referred to his presence in BJP election meetings in Gujarat where Mrs Sonia Gandhi’s reputation was torn to smithereens. Mr Pramod Mahajan’s reference to Monica Lewinsky in whatever context was in bad taste. Mr George Fernandes too betrayed lack of gender correctness by saying what he said about the Congress President. Mr Joshi’s comparison of Mrs Sonia Gandhi with Ravana’s sister was no less offensive. However, the description of Mrs Sonia Gandhi at BJP election rallies in Gujarat would make the alleged remarks attributed to Mr Mahajan [ as also Mr Fernandes and Mr Joshi] appear as minor trespasses. At one public meeting the speaker told the crowd that “behn matric pass chhe” [sister is only matric pass] and that she used to serve drinks and dance in Italian clubs. The only redeeming feature was that when the BJP leader asked “aa Sonia Gandhi kon chhe?” [who is this Sonia Gandhi] the crowd did not respond. At Kapadwanj the Prime Minister looked bored but did nothing to stop Gujarat Health Minister Ashok Bhatt from crossing the “Laxman Rekha” of political correctness during his anti-Sonia tirade. The silence of the nearly one lakh strong crowd told more about what the average Gujarati thought about the gutter-level rhetoric of politicians than Mr Vajpayee’s bored indifference to what was being said by senior state leaders in his presence. A woman activist close to the BJP told me that in the absence of central leaders the language of political discourse in Gujarat becomes more colourful. Cassettes of speeches in which liberal use is made of mother-in-law jokes for making a political point are in wide circulation in the state. “But we are not going to ignore the sexist remarks of politicians. They must be made to pay in political terms for not raising the language of political debate to a more purposeful level”. At another meeting attended by Mr L. K. Advani in Ahmedabad the politics of “name-calling” touched a new low. A local BJP leader “informed” the crowd that Mrs Sonia Gandhi was “an opera singer” in Italy at a club frequented by Rajiv Gandhi. It was obvious that the purpose of sharing the “little known secrets” of the top political family of the country was to lower the prestige of the Nehru-Gandhi parivar in the eyes of the illiterate and ignorant voters. Mr Advani too did not stop the local leader from crossing the line of decency in public discourse. Another housewife Rama Mehta was livid with rage when BJP women activists tried to sell the line that Mrs Sonia Gandhi was a “kalmukhi” [an ill omen] responsible for the death of three members of the family [Sanjay, Rajiv and Indira Gandhi]. A number of women’s organisations are keeping a watch on what is being done to and said about women in general in other parts of the country. The Muzaffarnagar episode of a college girl being roughed up by members of the BJP Mahila Morcha with the help of policewomen in the presence of Mr Vajpayee has not escaped the notice of firebrand feminists. As if to provide comic relief the Gandhinagar-based Akhil Bharatiya Patni Atyachar Virodhi Sangh has asked the government to amend the Anti-Dowry Act and other laws which are used by women for harassing husbands. In a quick response the Ahmedabad Women’s Action Group asked Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel to make clear the government’s stand on the “frivolous” demands raised by the “anti-wives group”. Both have threatened to treat the demands as part of their respective electoral agendas. The reason why Mr Patel is not complaining about being caught between the devil and the deep sea is because he would then have to explain which side is the devil and which the deep sea. Nevertheless, whatever political advantage the Congress may have derived from the thoughtless denigration of Mrs Sonia Gandhi by BJP leaders was to a large extent neutralised by statements on Mr Vajpayee attributed to Mr Ghulam Nabi Azad and actor-turned-politician Mr Rajesh Khanna. Every right thinking citizen would have shared with the Prime Minister his agony over the highly personal nature of the comments on him by the two Congress leaders. Who was it who said that the Congress is the party’s number one enemy? The groundswell of public sympathy in favour of Mrs Sonia Gandhi because of the sexist attacks of the BJP may now dissipate as a result of Mr Azad’s and Mr Khanna’s` misplaced urge to “get even” with the BJP. The two Congressmen are, perhaps, not aware of the saying that two wrongs do not make a right. Be that as it may,
political observers are amazed that the BJP, which has a
distinct advantage over the Congress according to current
poll trends, should have stooped to the level of adopting
a strategy which may compel at least gender sensitive
voters to rebel against it. |
Shinde in triangular contest SOLAPUR: AICC General Secretary Sushil Kumar Shinde, who played a key role of keeping the district unit in the party intact following a split in the Maharashtra Congress with the formation of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), is engaged in a triangular contest in his bid for Lok Sabha from this constituency. Though there are five aspirants in the fray for the September 5 poll, the real fight is between Mr Shinde, Mr Lingaraj Valyal of the BJP and Mr Mukesh Abdulpurkar of the NCP. Congress nominees have emerged victorious in this constituency in 10 elections since 1952, but for 1996 when Mr Valyal of the BJP grabbed the seat securing 1,84,075 votes, 3.13 per cent more than his nearest Janata Dal rival Ravikant Patil. However, in 1998, though Mr Valyal managed to secure more votes compared to the previous poll, he was defeated by Mr Shinde by a margin of over 1 lakh votes. Mr Shinde, who except for a period of two years, was a minister in the Maharashtra Cabinet from 1974 to 1992, has been a dominant factor in the district. Mr Valyal, the BJP nominee, was not so keen to take on Mr Shinde this time, party sources said. Mr Valyal, after his defeat in the 1998 Lok Sabha elections, was trying for an Assembly ticket. For the BJP leader, factionalism in the party could pose a serious problem, political analysts here said. Mr Abdulpurkar, the NCP nominee, was a corporator for five years and was not interested in fighting Lok Sabha elections. Incidentally, Mr Valyal had defeated Mr Abdulpurkar in the 1995 poll to the state Assembly. The electioneering scene is hotting up in the district with the Congress President, Mrs Sonia Gandhi, addressing a public meeting in the neighbouring Pandharpur on August 23. The Union Home Minister and Senior BJP leader, Mr L.K. Advani, also held an election rally in Solapur on August 19. There are five Assembly
constituencies Akkalkot, South Solapur, Solapur City
(South), Solapur City (North), North Solapur (SC) and
Mangalwedha (SC). — PTI |
Dry days cause chaos NEW DELHI, Sept 2 — The unprecedented number of dry days in Delhi, thanks to the elections this time, have seen more than usual chaos at the liquor shops. While Delhi and neighbouring Haryana will go dry on September 3, 4 and 5 as people go to the polls, the closing of liquor shops on the first and seventh day every month by Delhi is causing a lot of heartburn to the friends of Bacchus. The non-availability of favourite brands, stockpiling of liquor and loss of revenue is more cause for aggravation than for a judicious understanding of the regulatory process of government. However, since Haryana does not observe the first and seventh days of the month as dry days, Delhi’s loss is being observed as Haryana’s gain. Since the porous nature of the border between the two states make a mockery of this moderation process, the Capital’s Excise Commissioner, Mr Gyanander Shrivastava, feels that if revenue was all that mattered, it would be easy to keep the shops open 365 days of the year. There are other important issues at stake as well. These are not coke or nimbupani vends... a liquor vend can have far more serious remifications and a certain amount of monitoring of its use is necessary, he feels. Mr Shrivastava’s tone is a non-trifling one as he points out that "dry days are a tool of moderation. It is a cautionary step between total liberalisation of alcohol and prohibition". What irks both the industry and the drinking public is that Haryana stays open on the first, which traditionally in Delhi is a dry day in a bid to prevent the wage earner from blowing up his money on the merry ways of Bacchus on pay day. The rationale behind this kind of thinking defies the norms of today's lifestyle. Delhi has a total of 45 dry days (elections notwithstanding) and industry representatives have approached the necessary mandarins in the corridors of power on a rethink on this and other matters for a more equitable and just excise policy from the Delhi Government. Apex bodies of the industry such as the CIABC and AIDA have for sometime now, been making representations for various recommendations vide the proposed excise policy for the year 1999-2000. Among these recommendations is a plea for reduction in the number of dry days and parity with neighbouring Haryana which currently observes only Republic Day, Independence Day and Gandhi Jayanti as dry days. Delhi liquor shops managed by the government have a weekly off in addition to 45 dry days. There is also a request
for free market pricing where market dynamics of the
market place determine the end consumer price. They have
also requested the advertising restriction rules to be
suitably modified so as to restrict advertising only to
media vehicles emanating within the state territory of
Delhi. Additionally, an increase in the number of outlets
by 50 per cent over and above the current number of 184
retail outlets has also been requested for consideration. |
Former CM Varma sees no contest NEW DELHI: Former Chief Minister of Delhi Sahib Singh Varma and BJP candidate for the Outer Delhi parliamentary constituency is determined to stage a “political comeback”. So sure is he of defeating his Congress rival Deep Chand Sharma that he dismisses the very idea of a contest. “Chunav to tab hota agar Sajjan Kumar yahan se khare hote”, (Challenge from Sajjan Kumar alone would have made it a contest). Asked to spell out his chances of victory, he says: “This is my constituency. I’ve been working in the area for the past eight years”. It may be recalled that in the 1991 Lok Sabha poll, Mr Sajjan Kumar defeated Mr Sahib Singh Varma by 82,000 votes. In the last two Lok Sabha poll, the seat was won by BJP candidate Kishan Lal Sharma. One may ask what lends Mr Varma the confidence of a victory in the Capital’s largest parliamentary constituency which has 31 lakh voters, 21 assembly segments, 180 villages and 2,300 colonies. There are several
factors in favour of Mr Sahib Singh. Apart from the
zealous support of party workers, the 56-year-old leader
has the age on his side. His rival, Mr Deep Chand Sharma,
is a senior citizen and the voters doubt whether his
health will permit him to nurture this constituency. |
Rift in Cong camp may benefit
BJP FARIDABAD: Mr Ram Chand Bainda, BJP candidate for the Faridabad Lok Sabha seat, appears to be inching ahead of his Congress rival, Mr Zakir Husain. Mr Shyam Sunder Kapoor of the HVP-BJP-Sarb Hind Shiromani Akali Dal (SHSAD) alliance has also made his position felt in the constituency. The internal dissentions in the Congress and indifferent attitude of some of its local leaders in the campaign of Mr Zakir Husain is also likely to benefit Mr Ram Chand Bainda. If the attendance at the rally addressed by Congress chief Sonia Gandhi here on August 28 is an indication, she did not make much impact on the voters. Some Congress leaders instead of concentrating in Faridabad are canvassing for other party candidates in Haryana, Delhi and Rajasthan. The visit of Mr Rajesh Pilot, former Union Home Minister and Gujjar leader to woo the voters of his community was reportedly not very successful. The Gujjars, who traditionally vote for the Congress, are upset at the denial of the ticket for the second time to Mr Avtar Singh Bhadana, former member of the Lok Sabha. He is also reported to be not participating in the campaign. It seems as if a major portion of the Gujjar votes, which number about 90,000, will go to the BJP, followed by the HVP-BSP-SHSAD combine and the Congress candidates. On the other hand, Mr Husain who tried his best to mobilise voters in the city in his favour, seems to have succeeded not much due to rivalries within the party. A Meo leader who has also been denied the ticket is also not being seen in the campaign of Mr Husain. He also did not attend Mrs Gandhi’s election rally. Although a number of
people are not happy with Mr Bainda they may want to see
Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee as the Prime Minister. Mr Kapoor
can damage the prospects of the BJP candidate as he is
trying to influence Punjabis and voters of the BSP by
laying stress on local issues. |
Quote...unquote It would be like fighting the Kargil war. I'll be either a glorious martyr or a triumphant victor. — Sushma Swaraj on her "battle" with Sonia Gandhi in Bellary There is no question of a hung Parliament. The people of India have had very bad experiences with hung Parliaments in the last three elections. They will now vote for stability. — Atal Behari Vajpayee, on being asked whether there was any scope to expand the NDA if there was a hung Parliament What's the point of voting if you have to vote again and again. All our enthusiasm and sense of empowerment disappears when a person has to vote four times a year, simply because our politicians cannot give us a stable government. — A student in New Delhi on her newly acquired power of franchise I stand by my views and statement against Sonia Gandhi. I do not have to learn from Congressmen how to respect women. People have not forgotten how women were treated during the Emergency when Ms Gandhi's mother-in-law was the Prime Minister. — George Fernandes on Sonia Gandhi's contribution to the country Kargil and Vajpayee are not the real issues... people felt this government deliberately looked away to provoke such a situation. Vajpayee is using the Indira Gandhi technique of stoking a crisis before an election. — G.S. Tohra on the ensuing elections as a mandate for Atal Behari Vajpayee and his successful handling of Kargil What the Congress general secretary and other campaigners are now saying makes me wonder if this party has any residual relationship left with the Congress of yesteryear. — A.B. Vajpayee reacting to Ghulam Nabi Azad's remarks on how he (Mr Vajpayee) could have a daughter and a son-in-law if he was a confirmed bachelor It is known internationally now. — A pleased petrol station owner in Bellary While our brave jawans ensured military victory, the bus diplomacy, which stood out as proof of India's willingness for friendly relations, ensured our diplomatic victory. — L.K. Advani on the Congress criticism of Vajpayee's bus diplomacy I am just a poor servant, a civil servant who is hungry for the love of the people. — T.N. Seshan, Congress candidate from Gandhinagar, on the BJP's accusation that he is power hungry I had written two letters to Ms Sonia Gandhi asking her to mend her ways in running the party. But she responded only to my third letter, which I had to write in Italian. — S.S. Ahluwalia, who left the Congress to join the BJP (Compiled by Mukul
Bansal) |
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Awareness rally Mazdoor Dal Polling stations Decision backed Fifth observer Balmikis’
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