Tuesday, September 28, 1999
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Tuesday, September 28, 1999 |
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Family drama in Ghosi GHOSI: It is Rai versus Rai in the battle for the legacy of the “Lion of Purvanchal” Kalpnath Rai in the Ghosi Lok Sabha constituency, which goes to polls on October 3. The 12-lakh odd voters in the constituency, who had by and large remained faithful to late Kalpnath Rai when he was in prison during the 1996 elections, are faced with the dilemma of choosing between his wife Sudha Rai, fielded by the Congress, and his son from his first marriage Siddharth Rai, the Janata Dal (United) candidate. Following the untimely death of Mr Kalpnath Rai, who was assured a Congress ticket after he organised a successful rally in June at Mau attended by Congress President Sonia Gandhi, Ms Sudha Rai was allotted the ticket even though Mr Siddharth Rai had launched a campaign to get favours from the Congress leadership. It was only later that a disgruntled Mr Siddharth Rai turned to the JD (U) leaders who had helped his father in the last elections after the Congress had shut its doors on him owing to his alleged involvement with members of the Dawood Ibrahim gang. Ms Sudha Rai, who married Kalpnath Rai after his first wife died in 1983, still believes that Mr Siddharth Rai will withdraw from the contest before the polling day. “Mere beta ko George aur Nitish ne gumrah kiya.....Woh ghar laut aayega.” (George, Nitish have misguided my son. He will return home)”, Ms Sudha Rai says. Making the contest five cornered in the constituency are Mr Balkrishan Chouhan (BSP), sitting Rajya Sabha member and Samajwadi Party nominee Tara Singh Chauhan and CPI candidate Atul Kumar Anjaan. Mr Chouhan finished second polling 2,02,000 votes while Mr Kalpnath Rai secured 2,23,000 votes to score victory in their last encounter. Mr Chouhan this time too is giving a formidable fight banking on the Scheduled Castes who alone account for 23 per cent votes in the constituency. The development plan always holds the key to electoral success in the constituency where Mr Kalpnath Rai had to his credit a number of projects like 400 kva sub-station at Kasara, Doordarshan studio, central school, community hall, hospital, sugar research institute and several industrial projects. Both step-mother and step-son are trying to exploit Kalpnath Rai’s contribution to Ghosi where the SCs account for 23 per cent votes, Muslims and Ahirs 14 per cent each, Bhumihars and Brahmins around 7 per cent each, Koeris, Bhars and Rajputs 6 per cent each. Of the five assembly segments falling under this constituency, the BJP which is backing Mr Siddharth Rai has Ghosi, Mau, and Rasara while Samajwadi Party holds Nathaur and Sagadi. Sixty per cent of the 1250 booths in the constituency have been identified as sensitive where paramilitary forces would be posted to ensure free and fair poll, district officials said. The constituency that had returned Mr Kalpnath Rai four times since 1989 without fail on different party tickets, is dominated by Bhumihars, a caste to which he belonged. The five assembly segments in this constituency had remained a stronghold of the Left parties till 1984 when the Congress turned the tide, returning its candidate three times till 1991 after which Ghosi became synonymous with Mr Kalpnath Rai. Apart from the two main candidates, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) too had a sizeable support in the constituency. The silent emergence of the BSP in the area baffled every one when it bagged over 30 per cent vote in the last two elections emerging as runner-up both in 1996 and 1998. Mr Balkrishan Chouhan of the BSP, who had been defeated by a mere 19,000 votes last time, has been renominated by the party keeping in mind that Chouhans constitute the second largest vote bank here after Bhumihars. The Samajwadi Party has also fielded a Chouhan. Both the Rais are seeking to cash in on sympathy for Mr Kalpnath Rai, who was largely responsible for the development of the area. While for Ms Sudha Rai it has been a low-key campaign, Mr Siddharth Rai has gone to the extent of saying that his “step-mother” might physically harm him. |
September 27, 1999
September 26, 1999
September 25, 1999
September 24, 1999
September 23, 1999
September 22, 1999
September 21, 1999
September 20, 1999
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| In 1996, Ms Sudha Rai had played an
important role in stirring up sympathy for her jailed
husband. Unlike now, she was then assisted by Mr
Siddharth Rai’s four sisters. This time, all four sisters are going around the constituency seeking votes for their only brother who, they allege, is under threat from their “step-mother”. Ms Sudha Rai too is
making an emotional appeal to voters, saying that her
life has been made miserable after the passing away of
her husband and she was being subjected to character
assassination by her own relatives. — PTI |
Tough fight in the offing RAIGANJ (West Bengal): Caught in the cross-currents of politics, the electoral battle promises to be fierce in this “marginal” constituency of North Bengal that goes to the polls on October 3. Playing on the sticky wicket that can go either way in the end are former Union Minister and Pradesh Congress working president Priya Ranjan Dasmunshi, who had lost the battle last time by a narrow margin, and CPM candidate Subrata Mukherjee, the winner for the last three times. Among others in the fray are Mr Biplab Mitra of the Trinamool Congress and Mr D. Salauddin (Nationalist Congress Party). What is special about the more than 1.1 million-strong electorate in this constituency in West Dinajpur district close to the Bangladesh border is that about 45 per cent of the voters are from the minority community and about 40 per cent from the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. While the CPM has retained the seat since 1991 with a diminishing margin, last time its candidate managed to scrape through by a little more than 6,000 votes taking advantage of dissidence in the Congress. The results that deprived Mr Dasmunshi of an entry to the Lok Sabha by a whisker last time has galvanised the Congress into hectic activity for scoring a victory this time. While simple arithmetic based on the results of last year’s elections may project Mr Dasmunshi as a possible winner, all may not go well with him this time as well considering the complex political equations and the Trinamool Congress-BJP factor. As the urge for a change can be noticed among large sections in the constituency, the Trinamool Congress, backed by the BJP, could well be the platform to vent their despair. As the image of Ms Mamata Banerjee as a crusader against oppression seems to grow larger among the people, the impact of national politics and the Kargil conflict could also go in favour of the Trinamool candidate. In the 1998 Lok Sabha elections, the Trinamool’s ally, the BJP, had fielded its state unit secretary Rahul Sinha, who secured, about 18 per cent votes to finish a distant third behind Mr Mukherjee and Mr Dasmunshi, both of whom polled more than 39 per cent votes. However, with Ms Banerjee gaining popularity and the BJP pitching in behind the Trinamool this time, Mr Biplab Mitra is hopeful of pulling off an upset. An election meeting of Ms Banerjee at Raiganj town drew a large crowd. “If the attendance at the meeting is anything to go by, the people are with us,” he said. However, Mr Dasmunshi brushed aside the Trinamool aspirations saying the party does not have a strong organisation in the district and that the presence of Ms Banerjee would not cast any spell on the electorate. “Mamata is a threat in Calcutta, but not in north Bengal,” he quipped. Mr Dasmunshi takes heart from the fact that gram panchayats and panchayat samitis in his constituency are dominated by the Congress, and the Trinamool is yet to reach to that level. “Our main fight will be against the CPM” he said. He hopes the minority vote will go substantially in favour of the Congress to give him a handsome lead. But some people, especially in the Karandighi area, strike a discordant note to Mr Dashmunshi’s optimism and favour NCP nominee Salauddin. While a major split in the minority vote could definitely mar the Congress prospects, Mr Dasmunshi is also striving hard by holding separate meetings with different sections like doctors, businessmen, housewives and students to secure their votes. Congress leader Golam Yazdani, who had contested the last elections polling more than 6,000 votes as an Independent candidate, is now working for the party while Mr Dasmunshi hopes to marginalise the hostility of former Legislature Congress Party leader Jainal Abedin, who had fielded his son in 1998 to scuttle the Congress prospects. On the other hand, CPM candidate Subrata Mukherjee claimed that the slide the party had suffered in the last elections had been checked. Denying the Opposition allegation that he remained indifferent as an MP to local development, Mr Mukherjee said there was false propaganda against him. CPM district committee secretary Bireswar Lahiri says his party is banking more on the working people and minority voters. Mr Lahiri is also hopeful that the minority vote will go in their favour. People from the minority community are feeling insecure because of the BJP’s policies. Also they do not trust the Congress,” he said. Mr Lahiri, however,
admitted that most of the young people were going the
Trinamool way and the 18,000 new voters this year could
also be a deciding factor. he said. — UNI |
Hindutva vs development NEW DELHI: It is Hindutva vs development in the Gorakhpur parliamentary constituency of Uttar Pradesh going to polls in the last phase on October 3. The industrially and economically backward constituency, which often hits the news headlines due to frequent outbreak of dreaded diseases like Encephalitis, will witness a four-cornered contest between the BJP, the Samajwadi Party (SP), the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and the Congress. However, the Ajeya Bharat Party and the Apna Dal have also fielded their candidates. BJP candidate Yogi Adityanath, who also represented the constituency in the 12th Lok Sabha, has made the Hindutva its election plank while the BSP and SP are highlighting the lack of development in the region to wean away the voters. The BJP candidate is not only the successor of the Mahant Avedyanath of the Gorakhnath Temple but has also inherited his political legacy. The Mahant had won the seat in 1989 and 1991. Earlier, the Congress had complete hold over the constituency, the party won the seat in 1952, 1957, 1962, 1971, 1980 and 1984. However, the influence of the Gorakhnath Temple grew during the past one decade resulting in the BJP winning the seat since 1989. Meanwhile, the Bharatiya Loktantrik Party had captured the seat in 1967 and the Bharatiya Lok Dal had won the seat in 1977 during the Janata Party wave following Emergency. The BJP is making an all-out effort to maintain its sway over its traditional stronghold while Samajwadi Party candidate Mr Jamuna Nishad, and BSP nominee D.P. Yadav are also leaving no stone unturned to snatch the seat this time. Yogi Adityanand is getting support from three assembly segments of Gorakhpur, Sahajanava and Shyandeurava represented by the BJP while Maniram MLA Chandresh Paswan (SP) is extending support to Mr Nishad. Moreover, Uttar Pradesh Minister of State for Cultural Affairs Jitendra Kumar Jaiswal alias Pappu Bhaiya is also helping the SP candidate with money and manpower. The Gorakhpur parliamentary constituency is a stronghold of Nishad (fishermen) and Mr Jamuna Nishad is banking on their support while Mr Yadav of the BSP, an industrialist and hotelier, is expecting to get the Dalit, Yadav and Sainthwar votes. The BSP which had got 85,000 votes in the last two general elections, is expected to improve its position this time. Mr Yadav claims that he is getting support from all sections irrespective of caste and religion. Former MLAs Kedarnath Singh (Pipraich) and G.M. Singh (Sahajanava) — both Sainthwar —have also mobilised support in his favour. Mr Nishad (SP), who had polled 2,42,222 during the last Lok Sabha elections against Mr Yogi’s 2,68,428, is quite sure that he would not only cover the margin on 26,206 votes this time but would also win the elections with the help of Pappu Bhaiya and votes of Nishads, Muslims, Yadavs and other backward castes. The Congress has given ticket to a Muslim candidate Syed Jamal this time to attract Muslim votes, which constitute a sizeable population in the constituency. The electioneering by all parties has reached its peak with folk song cassettes blurting out praises of their respective candidates could be heard at every nook and corner of the constituency. A few complaints of distribution of money, food and liquor to buy votes have also been received. Meanwhile, the Poorvanchal Banao Manch general secretary Sudhakar Pandey and Bhojpur Kranti Parishad general secretary Krishan Bihari Dube have extended the support to those candidates who would raise the issue of creation of a separate Poorvanchal state comprising 27 districts of eastern Uttar Pradesh. They say their organisation would not support the ruling BJP in the state as the region was given step-motherly treatment by it as the budget allocation was minimum for the region as compared to other parts of the state. Senior leaders of all national parties,who were concentrating in other parts of the country till now, have started coming here. BJP’s campaigner Sushma Swaraj and state PWD Minister Kalraj Mishra have already campaigned for the party candidate. About 12,61,260
electorates, including 5,52,958 women, would divide the
fate of these candidates. —UNI |
BJP, Cong gear up to grab
centre-stage GUWAHATI: Polarisation of votes on communal lines in Assam has pushed the ruling Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) to the political sidelines as the Congress and the BJP gear up to grab centrestage. It is ironical that the AGP, which once monopolised state politics, is no longer the key player in the elections as it has been relegated to the role of a “vote eater” and the BJP and the Congress are going in for the kill. In the race between the two national parties, the Congress, which had 11 seats from the state in the last Lok Sabha, is fighting a defensive battle while the BJP, riding on the “Kargil wave” and the Vajpayee factor is determined to open its account in the Brahmaputra valley. “We are sure to get at least three seats in the Brahmaputra valley and two in Barak,” said Mr Narayan Barkataki, president of the state unit of the BJP, pointing to the large-scale “migration” of middle class Assamese from supporting the AGP to now the BJP. The Congress is banking on its traditional votebank comprising tea labourers, Muslims and the Ahom community of upper Assam. “We are confident of retaining all 11 seats,” said Tarun Gogoi, president of the state unit of the Congress, adding that the party would gain Silchar this time. He has reasons to be confident since the AGP is virtually out of the race. And the fissure caused in the Congress by the Nationalist Congress Party is not wide enough in Assam as was apprehended earlier. The result of the last elections, which was very good for the Congress, was described by the AGP as the handiwork of ULFA which worked against AGP candidates. “Had they (ULFA) not been there we would have got at least five seats. This time we will get 10 seats as the situation has changed now,” claimed Mr Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, President of the AGP. Mr Mahanta’s claim has no takers since out of the 14 constituencies, the AGP is in serious contention in only one and that too due to the presence of formidable Sarbananda Sonowal, a former president of the All-Assam Students Union who is backed by the student organisation. However, the battle royal will be in Silchar where two stalwarts and two former Union Ministers, Mr Santosh Mohan Dev of the Congress and Mr Kabindra Purkaystha of the BJP, are contesting. Although the Congress seems ahead at the moment, much will depend on the ruling coalition candidate, Abdul Muhib Mazumdar. The Congress is expected to dominate the three upper Assam seats beside Tezpur, Guwahati and Mangaldoi. However, there could be a very hard fight in Barpeta and Nagaon. In these two seats the BJP may spring a surprise as the recent arrest of ISI activists and the fear of pan-Islamisation in Assam have galvanised Hindu voters behind the BJP for the first time. In Muslim-dominated Barpeta, Nagaon and Karimganj Hindu votes may go en bloc to the BJP. Further, in Barpeta and Nagaon there are strong NCP-backed Muslim candidates to erode the votebank of the Congress. As far as the tribal seats are concerned it is best left to the tribal parties as none of the national parties, or even the AGP, has managed to make inroads. There the Autonomous District seat will remain with the Autonomous State Demand Committee for the fourth time while the BJP and ABSU-backed S.K. Bwisumutiary is expected to win the Kokrajhar seat. However, the final
outcome will depend on how the winds of insurgency change
just before the polling. — UNI |
Why have voters opted to
stay at home? NEW DELHI: Frequent elections and short-lived governments are taking their toll on the democratic process damping the enthusiasm of the electorate, which is increasingly turning its back on the process. The paradox of the Indian elections is that while there has been a marked increase in the total number of candidates contesting the elections, voter turnout has been gradually declining, according to psephologist G V L Narasimha Rao of Development and Research Services (DRS). With three general election in as many years, the slump in voter turnout is noticeable. Last year about 62 per cent voters exercised their franchise. This year the turnout has been abysmally low — barely 55 per cent in the first phase on Sept 5, 56 per cent in the second phase on Sept 11, 53 per cent in the third phase on Sept 18 and 51.16 per cent in the fourth phase on Sept 25. It was less than 20 per cent in Srinagar and even Delhi barely recorded 47 per cent turnout. In all, the cumulative national average for all four phases covering 418 Lok Sabha seats recorded a low 58 per cent. “The low turnout is a judgement on the issues that have dominated the electoral fray”, says Prof Ashwini Kumar Ray of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). Similarly, Dr K K Panda, Professor of Political Science, Delhi University, says it’s “a sign of bad governance and lack of people’s faith in the democratic systemic operations such as the legislature, judiciary and others which addresses people’s grievances. However, Mr Rao says: “It is not a declining trend, only a periodic annoyance. “It mainly shows that political parties have not been able to generate that much excitement among voters. There is a general apathy but noted that turnout has been higher in states where assembly elections are being held”. “If you look at all mid-term general election except in 1998 and even in state assembly elections, there is a tendency of low voter turnout. This is a general prevalent form which we have been witnessing since the first elections in 1952 and 1999 goes according to prevalent forms”, says Dr Sanjay Kumar of the Centre for Studies of Developing Societies. The Government’s incapability at tackling basic issues such as housing, education, health or security problem is another major factor, says Dr Panda noting that political parties have made no serious efforts in this regard. “People are not concerned with what is happening in East Timor”. For the common man the issues are so far removed from his day-to-day needs that it has resulted in ennui. He has so little to choose from the issues placed before him that it has not motivated him enough to vote, says Mr Ray. “In Delhi for instance less than 47 per cent of the electorate participated in the elections. That means a person getting 20 per cent of votes (assuming a two-party system) could hope to win with 80 per cent people not supporting him, which is a disturbing trend”, Dr Panda notes. Unless these trends are reversed, it does not augur well for a democracy, says Mr Ray. But politicians put the blame elsewhere. “Restrictions by the Election Commission on campaigning and the type of propaganda made by them on the same has dampened people’s interest”, says BJP Vice-President J P Mathur. “It is a sort of voter fatigue brought by repeated elections not to forget their experience that preceding governments have done little,” he remarks. But Dr Panda calls it a secondary aspect. “Strict code of conduct should in fact not be imposed. Political parties should generate moral code of conduct on their own”. Dr Kumar says,”if you put more and more restrictions on campaigning, politicians will not be able to reach out to the electorate and people will not be able to find out who the candidates are.” “Earlier, there were 21 days for campaigning but now there are only 14 days. The time limit is unfair as the candidate, often, has to reach out to a large number of electorate”, says Dr Kumar noting that the restrictions on banners and advertising among others has kept the candidate further away. But do voters really care who the candidates are? At least not for 35-year resident of Motibagh, Mr P Yadav, whose vote was purposely wasted as he was fed up of the “queues he made for even the basic amenities of life”. But it is not as if voters have lost faith in politicians otherwise local issues would not have dominated elections, says Dr Kumar. “Earlier, it looked as if Kargil was dominating election scenario, but in different constituencies across the country it is the local issues doing the rounds which shows where their interest lies”, he says. How does low voter turnout affect poll prospects of parties ? While there’s no study to establish the pattern, pollsters citing their surveys say that the general belief is that if abstention rate is higher among middle class, the BJP is the inevitable loser. If the poor stay away, the Congress and parties like the BSP stand to bear the brunt, a leading magazine reported. But perhaps new leaders,
new political parties with new ideas and a bit of
stability may bring the voters back. — PTI |
Campaigning picks up ITANAGAR: With a short time left for the simultaneous Lok Sabha and assembly poll on October 3, enthusiastic campaign is on in Arunachal Pradesh. Electioneering picked up last week and the low-key door-to-door campaigning has given way to well-attended street corner meetings and blaring of microphones as rain gods have remained benevolent unlike last year in the state. However, poll graffiti is missing from walls as political parties, aware of the Election Commission’s code of conduct on it, have resorted to the use of banners, posters and cutouts. Use of audio and video cassettes have added colour to poll campaigns this time, which has so far been wooed only by BJP national leaders Kushabhau Thakre and Krishan Lal Sharma. Mr Thakre addressed four election meetings in West Kameng and Mr Sharma only one here last week. In the absence of national political leaders Chief Minister Mukut Mithi and former strongman Gegong Apang are the star campaigners for the Congress and the Arunachal Congress. Mr Apang’s son and Union Minister of State for Tourism Omak Apang is in the fray for the Arunachal West Lok Sabha seat. Mr Mithi and three of his Congress colleagues have already been declared elected unopposed in the assembly elections, which will now witness the fight for 56 seats by 168 candidates. Six candidates are in the fray for the two Lok Sabha seats. The major parties in the
fray are the Congers, the BJP and its ally the Arunachal
Congress and the NCP. — PTI |
Tea garden men’s vote decisive Alipurduar: The Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP), a constituent of the Left Front in West Bengal, appears poised to retain the Alipurduar Lok Sabha seat which the party has represented for the past 22 years. RSP candidate Joakim Bakla a former bank employee was elected from the seat to the 12th Lok Sabha last year defeating his nearest BJP rival, Dhiren Narzinari, by over 1.95 lakh votes. Both Bakla and Narzinari are again in the fray along with Congress candidate Sabita Baraik this time. Asked whether the party was confident about the poll prospects of its candidate, octogenarian RSP secretary of Jalpaiguri district, Gobinda Dey said here that all seven assembly segments and nine panchayat samitis in the constituency were represented by the Left Front. Over 3.5 lakh voters of 156 tea gardens are considered to be the deciding factor for the seat bordering Bhutan. Interestingly, campaigning in the constituency is hardly noticeable. BJP leader and
vice-chairman of the Alipurduar municipality Asish Dutta,
however, claimed that the BJP would do better
“because of infighting in the Congress camp.”
— UNI |
Women as presiding officers GANGTOK, Sep 27 (PTI) —The election authorities in Sikkim have decided to depute women presiding officers in all 15 polling booths under the “sensitive” Gangtok Assembly constituency for the October 3 poll. East District Returning Officer for 13 assembly and the lone Lok Sabha seats V.B. Pathak said here this was being done on an experimental basis “to instil confidence among women.” Besides the Gangtok seat, which has the highest number of 13,301 voters, a couple of constituencies in East District would also see a few women presiding officers, he said yesterday. The appointment of 3000 poll personnel was done by a “computer-generated random number basis” under strict secrecy. They were informed of their postings only a week before the polling day, he said. The SP (East), Mr S.D. Negi, said altogether 148 polling stations in 101 localities of the state were marked as “sensitive”, judging by the history of clash, communal composition, political consciousness of voters and prominence of party candidates. Refusing to divulge the
quantum of central forces in Sikkim, Mr Negi said
“adequate” reinforcements had been assured for
a free and fair poll. |
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If she had acquired Indian citizenship the day she married, then I would say it would have been too hypocritical. It takes time, say two to four years, to take things to your heart. Everything was new to her, new people, new traditions. — Priyanka on Sonia Gandhi I have been saying this frequently: Gathbandhan majboori nahin, desh ke liye zaroori ho gaya hai (coalition government is not by compulsion, it has now become necessary for the country). If it doesn’t work, the people of this country will have no faith in the political system of this country... We (the NDA) are now facing an acid test. — UP Chief Minister Kalyan Singh Bahut vote diya Laloo Yadav ko aur unhone bahut asha diya, lkin asha ke siway aur kya? Is baar kisi aur ko try karte hain (We gave a lot of votes to Laloo Yadav and he gave us a lot of hope, but beyond hope, what? Let us try someone else this time). — A resident of Turki (North Bihar) Vote for the Congress. Atalji is not invincible. He has been defeated thrice, once from Lucknow itself. — Dr Karan Singh in Lucknow — (Compiled
by Mukul Bansal) |
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