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The Afghan Trap
ONCE,
not very long ago, Rustam and Sohrab had battled it out on the banks of
the mighty Okus river (also called the Amu Darya). It is said that the
clang of their powerful swords was heard across Central Asia. Today,
much in the same region where Afghanistan borders Uzbekistan, Tazikistan
and other Muslim-predominant independent nation-states, one of the
largest build-ups in the annals of military history has taken place. It
could well surpass the earlier 1979 invasion by the erstwhile Soviet
Union and possibly trigger off a wave of violent convulsions around the
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The Pathans know the art of survival in "badla" or battle and their tribal loyalties are fierce. They have very few effective boundaries to guard as the porous Durand Line is often transgressed. However, a number of wars over the last few centuries have cemented the Afghan resolve of resistance and self-reliance. They proved to the British during the British-Afghan wars and later to the Soviets that it is easier to enter Afghanistan than to get out of it. The spread of Islamic fundamentalism, the exploitation of oil, gas and mineral resources in Central Asia, and the manoeuvring for power by the larger nations of the world have all left ugly pockmarks on a once enlightened, non-aligned and justly ruled land.
The emerging post-Taliban dispensation will give rise to other interesting possibilities in the region. Iran has said it will support a coalition against terrorism, but only under UN supervision. Many of the Islamic nations are also meeting next week to suggest measures that will combat the poor image that the Islamic world is stuck with because of the WTC and the Pentagon bombings. Pakistan has once again emerged as a frontline state and a forward outpost for the US and NATO forces. Pakistan’s foreign debts will soon be eased off, the supply of military hardware and nuclear know-how will resume shortly and the benevolence of Japan and some other countries should redeem their faltering economy. The overt and covert supply of arms and munitions routed through Pakistan for the fight against the Taliban (ironically, the Taliban originated from Pakistan) would create large arsenals in the region. It can be put to good use against India at a later date. A large-scale logistic infrastructure now being put in place for the US forces will also remain once the allied forces have departed. The question that one must ask is how is it that much of the diplomatic gains that we had garnered post- Kargil vanished overnight, and Pakistan has been able to upstage us with admirable ease. Was something lacking in our response to the US call for help against the Taliban? Our rather hasty action in pushing the USA to put some of the terrorist outfits operating in Kashmir under the umbrella of anti-terrorism has only elicited the response that the USA would look into it later. One wonders whether we are even being consulted in the deliberations underway to combat terrorism. It is also within the realism of a dim possibility that in the ultimate dispensation in Kabul, the USA may yet find a place for the moderates within the Taliban fraternity. Indian diplomacy has to work overtime to recover lost ground.
On the military front, all efforts must be made to avoid an open war even at this stage. The casualties in advancing in a north-south direction will be heavy in any ground action. One knows these mountains well, and to ferret out the terrorists from their hideouts will be costly and time-consuming. Also with the free flow of nuclear capability, at least at the tactical level, there is no telling when a hasty decision to hit back in retaliation could engage the whole region in conflict. In spite of the UN resolution on rooting out terrorism and the NATO’s resolve, care would have to be taken that an open conflict in this region does not aggravate matters further. In our context, Prime Minister Vajpayee would have to decide what role India should play in helping avert a conflict that could drag on for years. With foreign troops located in the vicinity on a semi-permanent basis, there could be a downslide in foreign trade for all countries in the region.
It needs to be reinforced that though the USA, Afghanistan and Pakistan are the major players in the current Afghan turbulence, other nations are also getting affected. In Saudi Arabia, the fundamentalists do not take kindly to American troops’ presence and, in case of a war, the Saudi oil reserves could be at risk. If the USA expands its attacks on Iraq, Lebanon and Jordan, whose population is Palestinian-predominant, these countries could face convulsions domestically. In Iran, a US-led war could actually help President Mohammed Khatami establish better relations with America since a Shia-dominant Iran has never had any time for the Sunni Taliban. In Iraq, the noose is already tightening with the USA examining possibilities of squaring up matters there once the Afghanistan drive achieves any tangible success. Pakistan’s economy and standing is likely to be resurrected in the interim, though how General Musharraf handles the pro-Taliban and Arab backlash in the long run is a matter of debate and speculation. China will continue to play the ‘lone ranger’s role, safeguarding its Muslim insurgency and doing nothing at the moment to annoy the USA. Russia will support the Northern Alliance and seek a larger role in the post-Taliban era in governance and policy formulation within Afghanistan. If India does not move fast enough (why is it that we always burden ourselves so much with an Arab and Indian Muslim backlash?), we will be left behind in every department of international diplomacy and future Indo-Afghan relations. Today, Afghanistan once again stands at the crossroads of its jinxed destiny. The common Afghan continues to suffer privation and hunger as the world powers go after Osama bin Laden and global terrorism. Nations seeing their own self interests are jockeying for advantageous positions of gain and profit. But as one who has lived with the Afghan people and seen their unending suffering, it is necessary that the comity of world nations should move in urgently to improve the lot of these forgotten and unfortunate people. History will not forgive those nations, who forget their fellow brethren in distress. Along with the rooting out of the terrorism, the social reformation of Afghanistan must be accorded the highest priority. The writer was the
Military Attache in Afghanistan during the Soviet invasion.
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