Wednesday, October 17, 2001, Chandigarh, India





E D I T O R I A L   P A G E


EDITORIALS

A “viable” card
T
HE international bulwark against terrorism has been cobbled together with the help of a glue of rather dubious quality. Fresh coats of the bonding agent have to be applied to the ragtag plank every now and then to make sure that some of the allies do not drift away.

Border skirmish or tension?
T
HERE is more to the Indian shelling across the border in two sectors across the Kashmir valley than meets the eye. It could be a routine local affair, an assertive commander repaying Pakistan firing in kind. This is the view of retired Generals who have had experience in the valley.

Hindus in Bangladesh
R
EPORT of attacks on Hindus in pockets of Bangladesh should not be treated as an internal problem of that country. India cannot affor to be a silent spectator to the unhappy developments in its neighbourhood. The political leadership in India should convey its sense of disquiet to Bangladesh in no uncertain terms. 


 

EARLIER ARTICLES

THE TRIBUNE SPECIALS
50 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE

TERCENTENARY CELEBRATIONS
 
OPINION

India’s strained foreign policy
Time to build a new national consensus
S. Nihal Singh
J
AWAHARLAL Nehru, the architect of India’s foreign policy, based it on the three pillars of socialism, nonalignment and secularism. Socialism, in particular the communist variant of it, is now in almost universal disrepute. Non-alignment, like the Cold War, is a relic of the past while secularism remains the country’s creed, despite being assaulted more frequently than in the past.

MIDDLE

Gone to the Bush
Rajnish Wattas

Dear Bush dada,
Oh, vigilant superhero of global freedom ... protector of the terrorised ... please come immediately to the rescue of the undersigned. Yesterday morning, instead of rousing to the full-throated bangh of the friendly neighbourhood murgha (translated into Texan drawl for your kind goodself as the c-o-c-k’s crow), woke up to the shrilly shrieks of the terrorised gharwali (the ol’ gal). Instead of standing in front of the stove in the rasoi to light the morning fires for my cup of tea, she was standing on top of it and screaming on top of her voice.

VIEWPOINT

Identifying real backwards and Dalits
Pradeep Kumar
A
report of the Social Justice Committee set up by the UP Government to identify castes among the backwards and the Dalits who have actually cornered major benefits of the reservation policy in the last few decades. The purpose was to give the hitherto neglected castes priority in the reservation scheme. 

Western women too cover their heads
F
oreign women in Saudi Arabia are increasingly covering their heads in public to avoid attracting attention as anti-West sentiment mounts in the kingdom, residents say. A fire bomb attack on a German couple in Riyadh and the killing of a Canadian man in Kuwait have raised the pressure on women to conform to Saudi customs for their own safety, they say.

75 YEARS AGO


The Public Service Commission

TRENDS & POINTERS

When child doesn’t eat breakfast
It’s funny how September/ October always feels like the start of a new year: I’m wearing a new pair of boots that give me the same kick that I felt wearing a new uniform on the first day of the autumn term. 

  • Anthrax: a not so cool name

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

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A “viable” card

THE international bulwark against terrorism has been cobbled together with the help of a glue of rather dubious quality. Fresh coats of the bonding agent have to be applied to the ragtag plank every now and then to make sure that some of the allies do not drift away. To keep the Muslim nations in good humour, British Prime Minister Tony Blair on Monday went to the extent of calling for the creation of a "viable" Palestinian state after talks in London with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. This was the first public endorsement of Palestinian people's long-standing demand by a western leader, that too of Mr Blair's stature, and hence a major victory for Mr Arafat. Both leaders expressed complete agreement that now was the right time to reinvigorate the peace process in West Asia. They urged a "just peace in which Israelis and Palestinians live side by side, putting behind them the bitterness of the past". Mr Blair has tried to kill many birds with this one stone. During his recent visit to Asia, he had come to realise that there was tremendous resentment among the people over the US support for Israel. In fact, the welling up of the pro-Osama opinion was perceived to be a consequence of the US policy on the Israel-Palestine dispute. By backing the demand for an independent Palestinian state, Mr Blair has tried to soothe these festering sores. In return, he has obtained from Mr Arafat an unequivocal condemnation of the September 11 attacks on the USA. This diminishes Osama bin Laden's emotional appeal, at least among the liberal Muslims, somewhat.

The USA and the UK have been working in tandem since long and the relationship between Mr George W. Bush and Mr Tony Blair has been expectedly thick. Under the circumstances, it is safe to assume that the Blair proposal has the backing of the US Administration. Mr Arafat is scheduled to visit Washington at the end of this month and the contours of the new initiative may be filled in during this trip. But the big question remains. Has the USA taken Israel into confidence in this regard? Can Washington really afford to annoy the strong Jewish lobby? If tough statements by Prime Minister Ariel Sharon are anything to go by, the much-touted shove is going to be no more than a push. There may be a well publicised show of hustling Israel into submission but there may be little real progress. There are no clear-cut specifications of what constitutes a "viable" state and the definition might be revised keeping in view the level of anger in the Arab world over the Afghanistan operation. That compromises the moral appeal of Operation Enduring Freedom. Any fight against terrorism would be more engaging if it was conducted without falling back on give-and-take arrangements. Similarly, the Palestinian cause is just enough to be above any linkage with the Afghanistan operation. 
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Border skirmish or tension?

THERE is more to the Indian shelling across the border in two sectors across the Kashmir valley than meets the eye. It could be a routine local affair, an assertive commander repaying Pakistan firing in kind. This is the view of retired Generals who have had experience in the valley. Importantly, the Defence Ministry has stated that it is the heaviest in a decade or more and the first focused pounding in a year. Also, the reinducted Defence Minister George Fernandes described the situation along the line of control (LoC) as “war-like” and both Prime Minister Vajpayee and Home Minister Advani have declared at Agra during the weekend that terrorism in Kashmir is an internal issue and the government is fully capable of fighting it. Further, there has been much chagrin in this country over President Musharraf’s unscripted advice to “lay off”, meaning that India should not mess up with the war against Afghanistan in the name of fighting international terrorism. Pakistan is aware of the growing impatience of India with cross-border terrorism and that is why General Musharraf rang up the Prime Minister to condemn the attack on the J & K Assembly building on October 1 as a terrorist act.

What has sharpened the significance of the Monday shelling is the statement of US President Bush. He has asked both India and Pakistan to “stand down”, and not heighten tension in the region. At one level this may be a request to the two countries to hold the fire and restart the bilateral dialogue process. Even a limited border conflict will divert the world’s and American attention from its job on hand. Also it will weaken the alliance it has built to smoke out Osama bin Laden. But India is not sabre-rattling, threatening to use force. It is sending a powerful signal that terrorist attacks in the Kashmir valley are a live issue and call for international attention and also intervention. This country fully supports the action against Bin Laden and the Taliban but seeks support for its lonely battle against terrorism. This is certain to be emphasised when US Secretary of State Colin Powell meets leaders in New Delhi today. He did a tightrope walking at his press conference in Islamabad but it was curious to see a Foreign Minister (that is his rank) addressing a joint press conference with Pakistan President. 
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Hindus in Bangladesh

REPORT of attacks on Hindus in pockets of Bangladesh should not be treated as an internal problem of that country. India cannot affor to be a silent spectator to the unhappy developments in its neighbourhood. The political leadership in India should convey its sense of disquiet to Bangladesh in no uncertain terms. The challenge before the Bharatiya Janata Party-led coalition is indeed daunting. It may have to significantly dilute its own domestic agenda for it to be able to prevail upon the new dispensation in Bangladesh for dealing firmly with the Muslim zealots. It must be remembered that whenever the Hindus in Bangladesh feel threatened, as they evidently are after the return of Begum Khaleda Zia's Bangladesh Nationalist Party, they tend to look towards India for help and shelter. India is already having to deal with the problems created by the presence of refugees from Bangladesh in large numbers. The latest round of violence against Hindus in Bangladesh can only aggravate the problem. It is, therefore, essential, that India should set its own house in order before putting diplomatic pressure on Begum Zia to stop her political allies, including the rabidly anti-Hindu and anti-India Jamaat, from targeting the minorities.

The Hindus in Bangladesh comprise nearly 10 per cent of the total population. The leaders of the Hindu community have alleged that most of them were not allowed to vote in the just concluded elections to the country's Sansad. The reports of attacks on Hindus have come at a time when they were busy making preparations for celebrating Durga Puja later this month. Reports say that the rioters damaged the puja pandals in some places. That the situation in Bangladesh is indeed tense is evident from the decision of the Durga Puja Celebration Central Committee to put on hold the preparations for the main festival of Bengali Hindus. Although Begum Zia is said to have ordered stern action against the hooligans, the principal minority community in the country remains unconvinced about being allowed to celebrate Durga Puja in peace by the malcontents. 
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India’s strained foreign policy
Time to build a new national consensus
S. Nihal Singh

JAWAHARLAL Nehru, the architect of India’s foreign policy, based it on the three pillars of socialism, nonalignment and secularism. Socialism, in particular the communist variant of it, is now in almost universal disrepute. Non-alignment, like the Cold War, is a relic of the past while secularism remains the country’s creed, despite being assaulted more frequently than in the past.

It is an axiom that a country’s foreign policy reflects its national interests and is governed by its history, geography, status and power. India’s problem has been that in economic as in foreign policy, it has found it difficult to grow out of the Nehruvian mould. Times change, a country grows and develops and changes, and it is often forgotten that at the time of the border conflict with China in 1962, with Nehru’s Asian policy in tatters, he was quite willing to tilt towards the USA.

That tilt was never accomplished because of American reservations and Nehru later recovered his composure and nonalignment. Nearly 40 years later, when the Bharatiya Janata Party-led government tilted towards the USA in the wake of the terrorist attacks on the symbols of American economic and military power, India seems destined to encounter polite interest but little commitment from Washington. In the past, India was seeking a strong ally against China; today it is enthusiastically joining America’s war against terrorism because Washington can help stem the source of terrorism India faces in Kashmir and elsewhere from the Taliban in Afghanistan and from Pakistan.

The irony is that before the September 11 events, we seemed to be witnessing the beginning of a beautiful new friendship with the USA. The new Bush administration was sending out the right signals; Capitol Hill, the other centre of American power, was cooing, and the American Indian community, 1.7 million strong, was making an impression on the American power structure.

The US administration decreed that relations with India and Pakistan were no longer a zero sum game; in other words, each country would be treated on its merits on its own, rather than in relation to its neighbour. And men of the Bush administration boasted that while it took the Clinton administration seven years to befriend India, the new dispensation was away and running in three months.

These were heady words for India — until the September 11 events shook the US administration and the world. Overnight, Pakistan again became the frontline state and was the immediate recipient of American bounty. Indian concerns over terrorism in Kashmir and Pakistan’s role in it were impatiently brushed aside as the Bush administration focused on enlisting Pakistan in its fight against Osama bin Laden and the Al-Quaida network in Afghanistan. Sanctions on Pakistan (also connected with the military coup) were lifted and not only did Washington seem to be quite comfortable with General Pervez Musharraf in his role as his country’s President but also appeared to be viewing relations with India through the Pakistan prism.

In the harsh light of these events, the BJP-led government’s enthusiastic support for the USA and offer of assistance were disconcerting. It was the style and tone, rather than the substance, of the Indian stance that was most grating. There were several valid reasons why India should have offered America support: self-interest in relation to Kashmir, the larger question of siding against terror and using the opportunity to build a close relationship with the most powerful nation on the planet. But Washington’s agenda altered dramatically on September 11 and its preoccupation became Pakistan, not India.

This has been a setback not only for India but also for building a new consensus on the country’s foreign policy. Leaving aside the Indian communists of different stripes, who must remain among the very few who do not learn from history or changing times, the Congress party has been desperately trying to beat the drum of nonalignment, which was buried years ago. What it was trying to say in a maladroit way was that there was no need to adopt a subservient position in relation to the USA. After the demise of the Soviet Union, there is no “other power” to lean on.

Historically, India and America have been like star-crossed lovers for the past half century and more — the world’s most powerful and largest democracies. Nehru’s decision not to join the US-sponsored anti-communist alliance was to retain autonomy in decision-making. It was the same reason that led Nehru to team up with Tito, Nasser and Sukarno to build the nonaligned movement. For many years, NAM served India’s purpose admirably in giving it a world voice out of proportion to its economic and military strength. But NAM became the victim of its own success as norms were diluted to admit all kinds of members. The end of the Cold War and disintegration of the Soviet Union were the last nails in its coffin.

Judging by the belated flowering of the Indo-US relationship towards the end of the Clinton administration, the end of the Cold War seemed finally to have lifted the dark clouds. Washington appeared to be willing to give India what it had been reluctant to do during the Cold War: space for autonomous decision-making and there were areas in which the two countries’ strategic interests coincided. The relationship would still be asymmetrical because of America’s worldwide responsibilities but this would not preclude a new compact.

The revival of American friendship with, and support of, Pakistan has dramatically altered the scenario. For the immediate future, India will be an adjunct in Washington’s interactions with Pakistan. How long the reverberations of the September 11 events will last remains to be seen, but the American campaign against terrorism is likely to be long and arduous and Pakistan will retain its status as the frontline state in American eyes. Perhaps the one lesson the BJP-led government can learn from its disconcerting experience is that it should play its foreign policy aces with greater caution and dignity. That way lies the building of a new national consensus.
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Gone to the Bush
Rajnish Wattas

Dear Bush dada,
Oh, vigilant superhero of global freedom ... protector of the terrorised ... please come immediately to the rescue of the undersigned.

Yesterday morning, instead of rousing to the full-throated bangh of the friendly neighbourhood murgha (translated into Texan drawl for your kind goodself as the c-o-c-k’s crow), woke up to the shrilly shrieks of the terrorised gharwali (the ol’ gal). Instead of standing in front of the stove in the rasoi to light the morning fires for my cup of tea, she was standing on top of it and screaming on top of her voice. I shouted back in my best domestic superpower voice: :“Hey, what’s the fire all about?” She screamed back even more loudly: “It’s not a fire you idiot, it’s worse — a mota chuha (a fat rat)! “Quiet, you hysterical woman, I’ll smoke him out soon.”

I swooped out of the bed at the supersonic speed of the domestic superpower that I’m; but instead of rushing into the rasoi, dashed out of the house. I immediately boarded my special high-security vehicle called ‘Bicycle One’ — to thwart a possible strike on my own goodself, and to defeat the nefarious designs of the perpetrators of such heinous, cowardly crimes on the free world. Peddling furiously, circling the house on Bicycle One, I kept up a non-stop confidence-building chant of, “Make no mistake...we’ll smoke you out of your hole...we’ll get you dead or alive...make no mistake.”

Listening to all this commotion and watching live on the TV channel “Seen, Unseen” all the neighbours also woke up. One grumpy ol’ poor distant cousin calling himself my natural democratic ally even rang up to offer his full, unconditional support — even when unasked for. But the ones that mattered just went into a huddle to debate the issue in a larger perspective. In the meantime I kept peddling round and round and kept screaming from my cycle-top on top of my voice, “We’ll get them ... it’s a war against freedom ... we’ll get those rats ... make no mistake.”

I then launched “Operation Cats for Rats” with a war cry and the brandishing of a big jharru in one hand and a toy cruise missile in the other, to the accompaniment of non-stop chants of, “We’ll get them ... make no mistake.”

But in spite of my relentless “targeted attacks” on all possible holes, moles and knolls, with all my firepower, nothing moved in the rasoi and the menace was still there — hiding here now, hiding there now! In fact, the more ground I cleared the more enemies I saw. Fortunately, then arrived on the scene our regular jharru-pocha wali, adept in dealing with such situations — and even rumoured to harbour her own pet rats, which I, too, had fed fondly sometimes. I made a deal with her, “Get me my rat and you shall be rewarded ... or else face my firing.” Though hardly moved by such bluster, she emerged as my frontline ally in engaging the enemy to surrender to the domestic superpower. Or else ...!

It’s now Day 325 of Operation Cats for Rats. The media has packed up. The neighbours have gone back to sleep. The frontline ally is still engaged in talks. The only chap still makin’ noises is that distant, poor democratic cousin...and the gharwali is still screaming.

As I now think about the presence of so many “rodents” in my house, I recall that I only bred them in the first place, to eat up all the cockroaches that were bothering me. And the cockroaches were there, because I had too much of muck to hide.

Your respectfully
Country cousin
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Identifying real backwards and Dalits
Pradeep Kumar

A report of the Social Justice Committee set up by the UP Government to identify castes among the backwards and the Dalits who have actually cornered major benefits of the reservation policy in the last few decades. The purpose was to give the hitherto neglected castes priority in the reservation scheme.

Many castes which have shown considerable social, economic and political mobility have gone far ahead and any affirmative State action ends up benefiting those who are no longer backward.

The much talked about idea of skimming off the creamy layer, suggested by the Supreme Court in the wake of the Mandal Commission recommendations, also needs to be applied to some of these castes which have either ceased to be backward or have taken away the larger chunk of the reservation cake.

Reservation is not a poverty alleviation programme and is not aimed at creating jobs to tackle unemployment among the poor. Its real objective is to reach out to castes that had no access to educational institutions, which denied them entry into modern professions and the administration.

Some of these like the telis, the kahars, the kumhars, the lakarharas, the nais, the kewats, the nishads, the baheliyas, the meenas, the bediyas and the nats have been marginalised in almost every sphere of life.

As against them are the mobile castes among the backwards which have benefited from steps like the zamindari abolition, land reforms, the Green Revolution and democratisation of politics.

Some like the Yadavas, the Kurmis and the Koeris which constituted the triveni that fought the zamindari system of the upper caste Hindus in the 1920s in Bihar, have today become the main landlord castes in some of the north States.

These castes may continue to be marginalised in terms of their very low representation in the bureaucracy and techno-managerial jobs, but their improved economic and political status has definitely pulled them out of the cess pool of social prejudices that their forefathers suffered. Many of these, in fact, have a disproportionate share in legislatures. Chief Ministers have increasingly come from among these peasant castes.

Thus the Vokkaligas and the Lingayats (Karnataka), the Kunbis (Maharashtra), the Kshatrias (Gujarat), the Ahirs, the Kurmis and the Koeris (Bihar and Uttar Pradesh) and now the Jats recently declared backward in Rajasthan and UP, have ceased to be backward.

Many of these castes have come in direct conflict with landless backward castes. It will be illogical to put all backwards in one category for reservations.

Mobile Dalits who were first to take to education and politics have gained at the cost of other totally marginalised castes.

Thus the Mahars, the Malas, the Jatavs and the Chamars have moved faster than the Mangs, the Madigas and the Balmikis in Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, UP and Punjab, respectively.

The Social Justice Committee of UP has precisely done this job of identifying beneficiary castes in its report. It has stated the obvious that the Yadavas who constitute only 19 per cent of the UP population have cornered about 34 per cent of reservations.

The committee has consequently divided reservations. Thus the backward castes, the most backward castes and the extremely backward castes will have 5, 9 and 14 per cent in the total quota of 28 per cent.

Reservations within reservations are being criticised on two grounds: that these are meant to serve political interests of the BJP and that this is a ploy to “divide and rule” the Dalits in the colonial mode of exploitation.

No political party in UP has actually been able to attack the recommendations of the committee head on.

The trajectory of political events in many states is likely to be determined by these developments which remind one of VP Singh’s attempt to introduce reservations in the early 1990s which made a lasting impact on Indian politics.

As regards the charge of dividing the Dalits and the backwards, the entire attempt at introducing reservations is seen as “divisive” by those outside its realm.

The writer is the Chairman of the Department of Political Science of Panjab University.
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Western women too cover their heads

Foreign women in Saudi Arabia are increasingly covering their heads in public to avoid attracting attention as anti-West sentiment mounts in the kingdom, residents say.

A fire bomb attack on a German couple in Riyadh and the killing of a Canadian man in Kuwait have raised the pressure on women to conform to Saudi customs for their own safety, they say.

European and North American embassies generally advise their female expatriates to wear the abaya — a concealing black cloak — in public, but leave it up to them to decide whether or not to wear a headscarf.

This is because in theory, as non-Muslim women, they do not have to cover their heads, diplomats say.

But Western women are feeling particularly vulnerable after a spate of incidents in which foreign women have been spat upon in public places, usually by Pakistanis but occasionally by Saudis. ReutersTop

 


The Public Service Commission

The Standing Public Service Commission which was contemplated by the reformed constitution as a necessary limb of the administration under the new regime and established as a result of the recommendations of the Lee Commission, commenced to function at Simla on the 1st October under the presidentship of Mr Barker. Syed Raza Ali and Mr A.H. Ley were the other members present. Sir Philip Hartog was expected to join yesterday, and Sir T. Vijaraghava chairar is expected to join shortly on his return from Canada.
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TRENDS & POINTERS

When child doesn’t eat breakfast

It’s funny how September/ October always feels like the start of a new year: I’m wearing a new pair of boots that give me the same kick that I felt wearing a new uniform on the first day of the autumn term. Back then, however, my new outfit couldn’t quite take away the sickness that I felt in the pit of my stomach as I walked down the road, wondering whether the friends I’d made last year would still be speaking to me, or whether they’d joined the camp of bullies who delighted in waging psychological warfare against me, making me feel like the loneliest child in the world.

Many a school day, I’d wake up with a stomach ache, which, in a strange way, I was relieved about because it gave me a genuine reason not to go to school. Deep down, however, I knew that it was my fear of what the school day would bring that was behind my stomach ache.

I certainly wasn’t the only child ever to feel physically ill when life is being made a little hell at school, and research recently published in The Archives of the Diseases of Childhood, by Wolk, Woods, Bloomfield and Karstadt, concludes that professionals who see children with repeated sore throats, colds and breathing difficulties should consider whether bullying is a contributory factor.

The purpose of this column is, therefore, to urge you to ask yourself whether your child is being bullied if they continually cry off school with minor ailments, which may be symptomatic of their unhappiness at school.

Don’t just ferry them to the doctor before dashing off to work, but instead ask them if everything’s OK at school and give them the time to talk about what’s happening with their friendships.

If your suspicions seem to be confirmed, try to discover if there’s a teacher to whom your child feels that they could entrust the knowledge of their bullying. I specifically say ‘entrust’ because some teachers can make the problem worse, either by tackling the bullies incorrectly or by making a bullied child feel bad about allegedly being ‘weak’. In contrast to 28 years ago, many schools now have policies dedicated to tackling bullying.

Your doctor should also be able to put you in touch with a child psychologist who can counsel your child on how best to ignore, or stand up to, the taunts.

And don’t be over-demanding if your child enters a phase of not wanting to eat before or after school - sometimes their stomach is so jittery that it simply won’t countenance the thought. I used to find that having a warm bath or going for a walk with Dad after school helped to relieve some of the tension, making my stomach feel more relaxed and able to face the prospect of eating. In the mornings, I valued having a few moments in bed with Mum, talking about what the day had in store for me, before having breakfast together. And if your child only manages to eat a bowl of cereal or a banana and small pot of yoghurt, it’s better than nothing, since feeling weak from lack of food won’t help them to stand up to whatever the day throws at them. The Observer

Anthrax: a not so cool name

Thrash metal rock band Anthrax admit their name is “not so cool” in light of the outbreak of the disease in Florida, but said they do not want to change it.

The band, whose multi-selling albums include “Spreading the Disease” and “The Threat is Real,” said that when they chose the name 20 year ago it sounded “cool, aggressive and nobody knew what it was”.

Now it symbolised fear, paranoia and death, they said in a statement posted on their official web site.

“Before the tragedy of September 11 the only scary thing about Anthrax was our bad hair in the 1980s and the Fistful of Metal album cover,” it said. “Suddenly our name is not so cool.”

“We don’t want to change the name of the band, not because it would be a pain in the ass but because we hope no further negative events will happen and it won’t be necessary,” it said. Reuters
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Living

In your heart is deception

Though you talk of divine wisdom.

What does it avail you, hypocrite,

To be always churning water?

What spiritual gain do you get from Scrupulously washing your body when your heart remains unclean?

A gourd may be taken to bathe

In each of the sixty-eigh holy places of pilgrimage,

But even so it will never lose its bitter taste!

Saith Kabir, in deep meditation:

Help me O Lord to cross

The troubled seas of the world!

—Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Rag Sorath, page 656.

***

Masters do not convey their ideas to the disciple by word of mouth alone. They have other means which are more effective than speech.

***

We came to this world, not knowing whence or why we came or whither we are going. But are not these facts worth knowing? Then why do you not try to solve these most important problems? They can be solved. Find a teacher who knows their solution.

—Sardar Bahadur Maharaj Jagat Singh

***

By attuning himself to the Satguru's inner nature and wisdom the disciple slowly transforms his own nature to ultimately attain the same peace and enlightenment his guru has achieved. Guru Bhakti is expressed through serving the Guru, meditating on his form, working closely with his mind and obeying his instructions.

—Satguru Sivaya Subramuniyaswami, Dancing with Shiva

***

So potent is the power acquired through disciplined self denial that those who attain it may even delay the moment of death.

—The Tirukural 26
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