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last word:
N Srinivasan
Man of pace, now in a spin
Cricket king Srinivasan has twisted rules to reach where he is today. The Justice Mudgal report, however, seems to have caught up with him. The axe may now fall on his CSK. Can he survive?
By Rohit Mahajan

Sandeep Joshi |
The
stoicism N Srinivasan radiates is a thing of wonder, though not an object of universal admiration. The worst of controversies are incapable of alarming him; the dubious actions of his kith and kin can’t worry him. He shoulders forward regardless, fearless and unperturbed. He possesses an iron will, sharp acumen and the ability to disregard the barbs of his enemies. These are the qualities that successful men have in abundance. But Srinivasan, the most powerful man in the world of cricket — the president of the Indian cricket board (BCCI), managing director of India Cements and owner of IPL team Chennai Super Kings (CSK) — seems to be in a spot of bother.The report of Justice Mudgal, who investigated the spot-fixing and betting controversy that hit the IPL last year, practically says that Srinivasan misrepresented facts to him. Srinivasan’s son-in-law, Gurunath Meiyappan, was arrested last year for betting and passing on team information of CSK to individuals who bet on the IPL matches. Until then, Meiyappan had represented himself as the team principal/owner of CSK. His involvement, if proven, would have caused CSK to be banned from the IPL. However, Srinivasan contended that Meiyappan was not part of the management of CSK — that he was just an “enthusiast”. This is what Srinivasan told the probe panel constituted by the Supreme Court and headed by Justice Mudgal. But Justice Mudgal’s investigation nailed the lie — he found irrefutable evidence that Meiyappan was indeed a CSK team official. Justice Mudgal systematically piled up the evidence. India Cements, owner of CSK, used to describe Meiyappan as a Director of CSK. “Meiyappan was accredited/authorised by India Cements to participate and be present when various crucial decisions were taken in relation to CSK,” Justice Mudgal’s report says. “One such example of authorisation is the fact that India Cements themselves forwarded accreditation requests for Mr. Meiyappan, every year for the last six seasons, requesting for grant of accreditation access cards in the name of Mr. Meiyappan under different nomenclatures (Owner and Management).” Justice Mudgal also established that Meiyappan was guilty of betting and passing team information, though “the allegations of fixing require further investigation”. He said that Meiyappan bet for and against his own team, apart from betting on other teams. This was the most critical element of the investigation because the future of CSK hinges upon it. Meiyappan acted contrary to the IPL Code of Conduct for players and team officials. Thus, if the Supreme Court directs the BCCI to act on the Justice Mudgal report, CSK is likely to be terminated. It would be left to Srinivasan, as the president of the BCCI, to preside over the demise of his own team. Can Srinivasan prevent that?
ICC’s first chairman
Just two days before Justice Mudgal submitted his report to the Supreme Court, Srinivasan had been unofficially anointed the emperor of world cricket. India generates some 80 per cent of the revenues of the International Cricket Council (ICC). After expenses, the surplus revenue is distributed equally among the different full-time members. Before Srinivasan, India’s representatives at the ICC were content with this arrangement. Srinivasan, a cannier businessman, wanted a bigger share of the revenue for the BCCI — this arrangement isn’t without precedent in world sport. The football leagues in England and Italy, for instance, distribute greater revenues to the teams that generate the most money. Greed is universal — thus the cricket boards of Australia and England and Wales readily came on board to prepare a “position paper”, proposing for themselves a greater share of the revenue, apart from greater power in running the affairs of the ICC. Many elements of this proposal are thoroughly undemocratic; ironically, they originate from nations that are bastions of electoral democracy — England, Australia and India. There was opposition and condemnation of these measures; but the greed of all the cricket boards was catered to by the Big 3. In a most democratic manner, through popular vote, the proposals that legislate inequality in cricket were passed in the ICC. No board dared to vote against the proposals. This was a triumph for Srinivasan, for he was the instigator of the change in the ICC. In July, he would take over as the first ICC chairman — the most powerful man in world cricket. Two days after the ICC vote came the Mudgal probe report. Suddenly, Srinivasan’s world seemed to be in danger. Can he save it? Seeing his past, it’s difficult to bet against him. Last year, in the immediate aftermath of the betting and spot-fixing scandal, his position seemed completely untenable. His resignation from the BCCI was a very reasonable expectation. But Srinivasan is a determined man. He hung on. Then an internal probe panel constituted by the BCCI, with suspicious alacrity, cleared Meiyappan of any wrongdoing. Immediately after this, though, the Bombay High Court said that this probe panel was “illegal”. Then followed the more thorough probe by Justice Mudgal. Conflict of interest has been institutionalised in Indian cricket — from administrators to commentators to cricketers, it pervades the sport. Mudgal has said that Srinivasan’s conflict of interest is “serious and may have large-scale ramifications on the functioning of cricket”. The initial foray into cricket by Srinivasan, a chemical engineer, was rather more altruistic — he’d been known as the owner of cricket clubs in Chennai, the employer of the largest number of cricketers in Tamil Nadu. That was in a very different, more innocent era — when businessmen were benefactors, not beneficiaries.
Alienation drive
Money rained into cricket with the advent of the liberalisation and the sale of TV rights in the 1990s. It became a veritable torrent after the IPL was launched. Srinivasan had come into cricket administration in 2001, as an ally of AC Muthiah, former BCCI president. Even as Muthiah was sidelined, Srinivasan managed to remain on the right side of the changing power alignments in the BCCI. Inevitably, he eventually became the BCCI president. He alienated many people along the way — most prominent being Lalit Modi, IS Bindra and Shashank Manohar. Of these three, Modi is the most vocal, railing daily against Srinivasan on twitter. But Srinivasan dismisses him as just a “fugitive” from Indian law hiding in London. Srinivasan doesn’t seem to care for Modi’s excited fulminations on twitter. Modi, incidentally, was the IPL commissioner when Srinivasan become an IPL team owner in January 2008. This was in breach of the BCCI rules — the rules then stated that no administration or member could be part of any commercial activity of the board. Seven months later, this rule was changed. The BCCI, in effect, gave its consent to Srinivasan’s conflict of interest. In the last six years, the BCCI turned from a very rich non-profit society to a corporate giant driven by the motive of making money. It’s autonomous because it’s not funded, directly, by public money. It selects teams to represent India and the Indian people, yet it remains above scrutiny — this is bizarre, quite contrary to the spirit of accountability and openness that has imbued the Indian public consciousness in the recent year. In an ideal world, the BCCI would embrace accountability, submit willingly to scrutiny. That’s the morally right thing to do, but a more compelling reason is that the BCCI is funded indirectly by the public, in the form of cheap/free land for stadiums and tax concessions. For the optimist, the intervention of the private sector in cricket’s administration was an opportunity to usher in good governance. For the pessimist, it was the sowing of the seeds of crony capitalism and nepotism. The pessimist, sadly, has been proven right.
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