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2019 will be a battle between Centre & regions

The Indian Republic that succeeded the British Raj is now almost seven decades old.

2019 will be a battle between Centre & regions

An attempt at a ‘strong’ centre: Operation Bluestar.



Dharamvira Gandhi 
MP from Patiala

The Indian Republic that succeeded the British Raj is now almost seven decades old. The seven decades of its history is the history of struggle between the centralised state and emerging regional political formations. In its early decades, it was a sustained political campaign in favour of 'strong centre' vs politico-legal appeal/struggles for 'more power to states'. Yet this period witnessed a historical trend of the regional parties coming into existence, becoming powerful and capturing power in the states while the national parties progressively weakened and became emaciated.

Undoubtedly, the diversity in India proved to be a fertile ground for the emergence of such a trend. Two factors have contributed to the regional phenomenon:

Firstly, the reorganisation of states on a linguistic basis for the first time in history brought geography and language together under the states' patronage, even if in a small measure, in a relatively stable parliamentary system. This led to the emergence of features of regional entities and nationalities in the different regions.

Secondly, the expansion and intensification of markets gave rise to a powerful class among the local populations, who being closer to the populace, could articulate the sentiments of the masses and provide them leadership.

The imposition of Emergency was the first attempt at 'strong Centre' though secular yet a failure. The second were "Operation Bluestar" and "demolition of the Babri Masjid", obviously communal in character but violent and effective since they helped give Indian republic a majoritarian dominance and grow into a police state.

This spread a culture of 'communal divisions' throughout the country, drove a wedge into every diversity, be it the linguistic, regional, religious, caste, racial or ethnic, to widen every divide in such a way that communities were set against each other. Implementing the policy of 'divide and rule' in Punjab, the unity of Punjabis was torn into shreds.

To camouflage these oppressive policies, a constitutional farce, the Sarkaria Commission was set up in June, 1983 to review Centre-state relations. It gave its report and meagre recommendations in October, 1987, which has since been gathering dust.

Despite all these attempts at centralisation, the awakened regional populations and the nationalities presented a unique 'dance of democracy' to catapult the regional political formations into seats of power, drained national political parties of their effective strength. By the eighties, the era of  ‘coalition governments' arrived.

But the rise of regionalism brought two serious flaws with it:

First, a craving for power and wealth that made regional political formations not only bow before the centripetal policies but adopt them too, thus helping the Centre pursue its economic, political and social agenda.

Second, a backward outlook, with dreams of old-fashioned Nawabi grandeur of the past, which in practice meant disdain for the common man; ignorance and distant unconcern for the needs of administration.

Precisely on account of this, the regionalism of the twentieth century has generally abandoned social welfare measures of democracy, adopted neoliberal policies and proved itself as corrupt.

Thus the 'coalition era' proved to be an era of 'corruption and administrative paralysis' that it paved the way for another strong attempt at centralisation to be successful under the ideology of 'majoritarianism'. Under this ideology, the sham secularism and the cloak of fake democracy have been thrown away and a gauntlet is advanced straight to regional formations, minorities, Dalits and tribals as a challenge. Election 2019 thus shall be a decisive battle between the Centre and regions.

At this juncture, India needs peace, prosperity and a welfare state. Such a welfare state can be none other than a 'Federal India' where moral values of liberty, equality and fraternity should form the bedrock of society; and state governments are politically, economically and fiscally empowered enough to carry out the welfare-ism assigned to them.

The BJP's determined attempt at 'Congress-mukt Bharat' has deprived the Congress of the strength to act as an alternative national umbrella party for the regional political formations. The worried regional parties, in their last-ditch attempt to stay afloat, have set out to search for viable coalitions. The absence of a clear enemy has worsened the matters for the BJP and the guerrilla regional coalitions springing a surprise on the BJP will complicate the fight. The chances of two national parties taking turns, or a two-party system taking roots or a veiled presidential form of government installing itself through deceit have become remote. The reality of the Indian diversity in the form of the rise of regional political formations staking their claim on the political scene is apparent.

To bring India on a par with the 'federal' values of the twenty-first century, it is imperative to put the question of sovereignty of states on the table. A round of talks should be initiated to revisit centre-state relations.

The dream of 'Federal India' shall be unattainable till the nationalities stand divided and are divided within. At this point of time, Punjab is divided on religious, caste and racial lines and is a fragmented society. Beneath the tall claims of a being a proud Punjabi is a deep multi-polarity of self-interests of being Sikh, Hindu, Dalit, Jat, Backward and ethnic entities, betraying a lack of psychological affinity and one common future. To overcome this deficit and to forge a 'Punjabi identity', we shall have to carry out a social, economic and psychological revolution and a democratic revolution with liberty, equality and fraternity boldly inscribed on its flag.

Thus, the 'Vivastha Privartan' towards 'federal India' shall not be possible without an internal social revolution in Punjab, a revolution that shall create an atmosphere of fraternity where Dalits, backwards, women and religious minorities can live without fear or oppression.

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