Brahmos deal boosts strategic ties with Indonesia

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent visit to Jakarta marked a shift in India-Indonesia relations — from former rivals to comprehensive strategic partners. In the late 1980s, Jakarta had protested about India's intention to revive a World War II landing strip on Great Nicobar Island, a mere 60 nautical miles from Indonesia. Now, as India is constructing a deep sea port and other defence infrastructure in Great Nicobar, Modi announced the joint development of Indonesia's Sabang Port in Aceh province, the north-western entrance to the Strait of Malacca, aligned with the Great Nicobar project on the Six Degree Channel.The bilateral relations are historic and civilisational: During World War II, freedom fighter Biju Patnaik flew sorties of arms and equipment for the Indian National Army to Jakarta. Bandung is the birthplace of the Non-Aligned Movement, whose pioneers were President Sukarno and PM Nehru. For decades, India and Indonesia have been sitting together at the UN due to the alphabetical order and both advocate a free and open Indo-Pacific.But the highlight of Modi's visit was in breaking the decade-long jinx on the sale of the Brahmos missile.Indonesia is blessed with a strategic geography: It is the world's largest archipelagic state, stretching 5,150 km and comprising over 17,000 islands. It controls the sea routes through Sunda and Lombok Straits when the Strait of Malacca becomes dysfunctional. It stands sentry to the north-western entrance of the Malacca Strait, the vital Indo-Pacific connect, which it patrols along with Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore.It holds the world's largest reserve of nickel; has other critical minerals like cobalt, bauxite, tin and rare earths. It has to balance the US and China, the latter being the largest investor in its mineral resources industry. China's maritime policy represented by its Nine Dash Line overlaps Indonesia's Exclusive Economic Zone along the Natuna Islands. As Defence Minister, current President Prabowo Subianto managed differences over it with China by professing neutrality over South China Sea, even as seven of the 11 Asean countries have active maritime disputes with Beijing. The US recently reinforced defence relations with Indonesia in the aftermath of the Hormuz blockade.In the joint statement on July 7, Modi announced collaboration in defence exchanges —including slots in the National Defence Academy and Defence Services Staff College — disaster relief training and defence industrial cooperation, among 14 agreements and MoUs. "Our coast guards will now work together for maritime safety and security in the Indian Ocean" with an eye on choke points. An Indonesian Navy liaison officer will be posted at the Information Fusion Centre (Indian Ocean Region) in Gurugram. Similarly, an Indian Naval officer will be deployed at the Asean Maritime Centre in the Philippines, focussed on the protection of the Malacca Strait and South China Sea from encroachment by major powers. (Incidentally, last week's World Peace Forum in Beijing also deliberated China's dilemma over the Malacca Strait).The agreements also included the deepening of cooperation in port development and maritime trade as part of the blue economy. India has a trade deficit of $20 billion in the $30 billion bilateral trade. The target of $200-billion bilateral trade by 2030 is ambitious.The big-ticket agreement is the $630-million package of two Brahmos supersonic missile batteries and Astra MK I BVR missiles for Su30 aircraft. So far, only the Philippines has acquired the Brahmos. At the recent Shangri-La Dialogue, Defence Secretary Rajesh Singh had said that Indonesia and Vietnam had agreed to acquire the Brahmos weapon system, opening the way for other countries in Asean, West Asia and Europe. Indonesia's prevarication over Brahmos tested India's patience, but Modi setting up a special presentation by Brahmos CEO Jaiteerth Joshi during Subianto's visit to Delhi as Chief Guest of the Republic Day 2025 was the clincher. Jakarta had to put aside its fear of annoying Beijing.The strategic thought emerging from Modi's Indonesia visit (and visits to Australia and New Zealand) is on re-framing the security framework of the Indo-Pacific in the context of the US resetting its Indo-Pacific strategy which includes ideas of a G2, the US desire for 'respectful relations with China', reverting the US Indo-Pacific Command to the pre-2018 nomenclature of the US Pacific Command, postponement of the QUAD summit 2026 in New Delhi, signalling the diminution of QUAD. A recent study by Takshila Institute has noted that QUAD's hesitation in projecting itself as a security-centric grouping was matched by its members' funding patterns, which contributed more to interoperability than to capability-building. Indonesia is the obvious anchor and lynchpin of any re-designed QUAD.The gains from Modi's visit are significant. It has enhanced the rapport between Modi and Subianto, who emphasised his 'Indian DNA'. Modi's meeting with the Indian diaspora is a big force multiplier for people-to-people relations.The two leaders will meet in September during the BRICS summit in New Delhi. Australia is the southern pivot of the QUAD as Canberra no longer factors Jakarta as a threat but as Asean's largest economy worth investment and trade. For Modi, the big win is the Brahmos and Astra package deal.

Brahmos deal boosts strategic ties with Indonesia

The highlight of Modi’s visit was in breaking the decade-long jinx on the sale of the Brahmos missile

Maj Gen Ashok K Mehta (retd)

Brahmos deal boosts strategic ties with Indonesia

The highlight of Modi’s visit was in breaking the decade-long jinx on the sale of the Brahmos missile

Maj Gen Ashok K Mehta (retd)

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