The MGR phenomenon & its aftermath

There is a poignant moment in R Kannan’s biography of MGR, where MG Ramachandran muses upon his own political destiny at a time when he was only contemplating about entering into politics. The occasion is during the procession at Vettaikaranpudur, near Coimbatore, where thousands showed up. He tells Subbiah Naidu: “I am not sure where I am being led! If I knew my destination, then I could understand somewhat the reason and the consequences.. Look at how they praise me! Why is there such a mammoth crowd? What did I do? Which war did I fight or which country did I safeguard?” 

This poignancy of the moment is due to various reasons: here is a star on the verge of taking on political mantle expressing his awe and beginning to realise the power he wields/or can wield. But soon, he will take the plunge and transform the political arena of Tamil Nadu once and forever. The star persona he had created assiduously with the help of brilliant scenarists like Annadurai and Karunanidhi — of the saviour of the people, the champion of the poor, the crusader for justice — will spill over into real life and transform into political power, even to the extent of transferring that charisma and aura onto his erstwhile heroine and later political lieutenant, J Jayalalithaa.

Kamal Haasan and Rajinikanth, though they had the same extent of popular appeal and adulation, could never transfer the same into real political power.  More crucially, they did not have the kind of background orchestration and build-up that MGR had, in the form of years of intellectual and political groundwork that went into the building of the narrative of Dravidian politics. So, even when they follow the MGR-Sivaji pattern in terms of their political leanings, their presence in politics still appears ‘edgy’ and ambivalent, unless Kamal Haasan’s soft-to-the-left politics proves its mettle this time. But he has been far too cautious for a charismatic leader.

Obviously, the politics and economic policies that the star politicians have pursued often tend to be that of a benevolent autocrat. MSS Pandian, in his book on MGR, The Image Trap, says, “Paradoxically, this political devotion of the subaltern classes to MGR was not because he had pursued radical economic policies during his 11-year rule. His rule saw no major structural change in the economy nor lessened the sufferings of the poor... the AIADMK government under MGR taxed the poor (and the middle classes) to profit the rich, especially, the rural rich.” He concludes, “In short, MGR’s regime was one which enjoyed massive support from the poor, but served the interests of the rich.”  It was also a very repressive one that violated human rights, banned college elections, prohibited public congregations and crushed the naxalite movement. But all these analyses are in retrospect, and when it actually unfolded, the star power ran roughshod over everything. Soon after MGR came to power, in order to hold on to power and to appease the Centre, the original mission of Dravidian politics was diluted, and by the last years of his life, everything was under the control of the coterie that surrounded him. The only innovative and popular initiative of the MGR regime was the nutritious noon meal scheme, which had dramatic effects in terms of reduction in school dropouts and malnutrition among children. His successor Jayalalithaa followed the footsteps of her mentor even more brutally — both in silencing all opposition and making the democratic system into a personal fief, and in dolling out umpteen populist welfare schemes, all with her name indelibly stamped on them. 

That none of their politically ambitious successors could really create such an extensive mass base nor evoke any ideal, or whip up any kind of frenzy around cultural, regional or linguistic identity seems to point towards the emergence of a largely fragmented and social-media-distracted constituency that is not amenable to such star hypnosis anymore.  — CSV