Opinion: Punjab’s promise and its paradoxes

PUNJAB changed shape twice in the middle of the twentieth century, but in very different ways. When it was torn into two in 1947, the split was a fait accompli, a part of the partition of India. The second time was willed. There had been a longstanding and persistent demand for a 'Punjabi Suba.' The principle of linguistic reorganisation of states had been applied in many parts of India, but there had been a reluctance in the case of Punjab. This was seen as a clear case of prejudice and discrimination against Punjabis. Massive agitations were organised against this perceived injustice. The reorganisation of Punjab in 1966 was, therefore, seen as a victory and is celebrated as such to this day.Sixty years on, it is timely to look back, take stock and reflect. The reorganisation might have been a political victory, but how far has it borne the results expected of it in the long run? The belief was that a linguistically cohesive Punjab would lead to improved administration and governance, encourage rapid, locally relevant economic growth, promote greater democratic participation, nurture greater social harmony, facilitate the spread of education, and above all, help preserve and promote Punjabi culture.It turns out that on all these scores, Punjab's record is at best a mixed one. For the sake of brevity, let us take up only two of them. Consider the trajectory of economic growth. The first 30 years saw unprecedented economic boom, but the later 30 years have seen constant decay and decline. Rural incomes have stagnated. Rather than rapid industrialisation, the state has seen deindustrialisation. Rather than promoting education, the state has chosen to increasingly withdraw from education and healthcare. Unemployment is rampant. Disillusioned, hopeless youth have either turned to drugs or chosen the path of exit, migrating abroad by hook or crook.Then consider the question of social religious harmony. Bang in the middle of these 60 years, the state witnessed a decade-long militancy that threatened to tear apart Punjabi society. Every now and then, the threat raises its head again.It cannot be anybody's case that these negative developments were caused by the reorganisation of the state. One can very well argue that these would have occurred in any case. One thing, however, is clear: by itself, the reorganisation could not mitigate their occurrence any better.What has been the experience of other linguistically organised states? The record is again a mixed one. Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka and Kerala have done well, whereas Andhra Pradesh witnessed internal strife, leading to the creation of Telangana. Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh too were reorganised, though not purely on a linguistic basis, and the new states of Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand were created. This does not seem to have helped either the parent states or the offspring states much.It should be clear then that development does not depend all that much on the creation of states, linguistic or otherwise. There may be other factors and forces that determine stability, peace and prosperity of a state. And these will vary from case to case.Let us return to Punjab for an alternative retrospective. It is not always noted that just as Punjab boundaries got reorganised in 1966, another powerful force was unleashed precisely in the same year: the Green Revolution. Introduced by the Indian government in its resolve to gain foodgrain self-sufficiency for the country, farmers in Punjab (and some other parts of the country) were induced to embrace techniques of farming that were capital- and technology-driven, hence expensive, but promised high yields and high incomes. Incentives came in the form of institutionalised loans, guaranteed MSP and assurance to pick up the entire yield.It is now known that agricultural incomes soared as a result of a tremendous increase in the yield. Unprecedented prosperity led to consumerist lifestyles and conspicuous consumption patterns. It was not realised that there was a flipside to this switchover. Problems like soil degradation, groundwater depletion and health issues caused by the indiscriminate use of chemicals stare us in the face, and yet, we are doing nothing much about it even now. Most of us want to continue with what has caused these problems.The only thing we want is continued assured purchase of our foodgrains by the Centre at MSP rates. Our only problem seems to be that the Centre is no longer willing to do that.We, in Punjab, have added this unwillingness as further evidence of how the Centre discriminates against Punjabis. But as the kisan morcha showed, farmers of other Green Revolution states face this 'discrimination' equally.What we Punjabis need to realise is that the Centre provided these incentives when it had to, and that it is unwilling to continue now that it does not need to. No matter which party wields power in the Centre, the MS Swaminathan Commission's recommendations will not be implemented.Economists known as dependency theorists have long described this phenomenon, only that they focussed primarily on international relations between rich and powerful industrialised countries, called the 'centre', and the poor underdeveloped countries called the 'periphery'. They showed that incentives flowed from the former to the latter only when it suited the former. When they flowed, the peripheries too could witness periods of prosperity. But these periods were temporary and often brief.In essence, prosperity thus introduced was illusory, for it in no way ended dependency on external forces.Let it be underlined that the logic of dependency could equally apply to Centre-state relations in large countries such as India. The solution lies ultimately not in demanding fair play or justice, but in 'delinking' from the old relationship patterns and becoming self-sufficient.The future of Punjab does not depend on which political party comes to power, for they are all assuming, rather hopelessly, that the old favourable balance can be restored by occasionally mouthing slogans against the Centre or blaming neighbouring states.The future lies with those who can draw a blueprint for a post-agrarian, employment-inducing economy for Punjab, regardless of what its boundary lines are.

Opinion: Punjab’s promise and its paradoxes

The future lies with the party which can draw a blueprint for a employment-generating Punjab economy.

Bhupinder Brar

Opinion: Punjab’s promise and its paradoxes

The future lies with the party which can draw a blueprint for a employment-generating Punjab economy.

Bhupinder Brar

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