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last word Having emerged as a surprise consensus candidate for a second term, the new BJP president has much on his hands, from enthusing listless party workers to steering the faction-ridden party towards the 2014 general election. By Shahira Naim
At a meeting in Lucknow to felicitate Rajnath Singh when he became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 2000, senior BJP leader Kalraj Mishra recounted that when he was visiting Mirzapur as the regional president of Jansangh in 1974, he had been instrumental in getting the then 23-year-old Rajnath Singh appointed as district president of the Jansangh. He also shared how in those days, Singh rode pillion on Mishra’s motorcycle. When Rajnath Singh’s turn came to address the crowd, he quipped now it was his turn to drive and Mishra, at his age, should be prepared to ride pillion! And what a smooth drive it has been for Rajnath Singh. From a 40-year-old Education Minister of Uttar Pradesh in Kalyan Singh’s government in 1991, he assumed charge of the BJP state unit in 1997. Two years later, he became a Cabinet minister (Surface Transport) and later Agriculture Minister in the Vajpayee-led NDA government. The rise Rajnath Singh became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 2000, before he turned 50 years old. When the charismatic BJP leader LK Advani resigned in 2005, Rajnath Singh rose to become the BJP president. And now more recently, he emerged as the surprise consensus candidate just when a second term for
Nitin Gadkari seemed like a forgone conclusion. Rajnath Singh’s dazzling career is indeed an outstanding example of how in the ultimate analysis, an RSS background tips the balance. Born to freedom fighter Rambadan Singh and Gujrati Devi of Bhabhaura village in Chandauli district, Rajnath Singh, along with his two elder brothers, has been active in the RSS since the age of 13. His father did not avail of the freedom fighter’s pension and was influenced by the philosophy of Dr KB Hedgewar and MS
Golwalkar. Rising from the ranks, he was associated with the ABVP and in 1974, became the district president of Jansangh at Mirzapur. He was imprisoned during the Emergency and did not even get parole to attend the last rites of his mother, a regret that haunts him. In 1977, he was elected to the Vidhan Sabha from the Mirzapur constituency. At present, he represents Ghaziabad in the Lok Sabha. Keeping it sweet Having a sweet tooth, Rajnath Singh’s day starts with a meal of ‘dahi-jalebi’ or ‘jalebi’ soaked in milk. While his father was a disciplinarian and life at home revolved around studies, a bit of games and reading religious texts, Rajnath Singh never missed an opportunity to visit the village ‘halwai’ for his fill of piping hot ‘jalebis’. To this day, for him an ideal dinner ends with ‘rasgullas’ and ‘gulab jamuns’. His elevation has invigorated the state BJP unit. After a period of gloom and confusion, party cadres had a reason to celebrate. In recent weeks, the party headquarters had been repeatedly targeted by disgruntled state government employees opposing quota in promotion. They were angry at the BJP’s support for quota in Parliament. Young party workers are gearing up for February 5 when Rajnath Singh arrives in Lucknow for the first time after his elevation.
“At least he knows us all individually. We don’t have to introduce ourselves,” commented a party activist listing the advantages of having Rajnath Singh at the helm of affairs. He has become the party president at a crucial juncture, stimulating the rank and file of the state BJP ahead of the 2014 elections. The Lok Sabha election is mainly perceived as a contest between the UPA and the NDA. In such a scenario, Rajnath Singh can prove to be a catalyst to rejuvenate the moribund and faction-driven party in Uttar Pradesh, where winning a sizeable number of seats would be decisive if the NDA sees itself catapulting to power at the Centre. The failings Rajnath Singh has his shortcomings. Often rubbing senior state BJP leaders the wrong way is one reason why a section in the party is maintaining stoic silence over his elevation. While his animosity with Kalyan Singh is an open secret, he has less than cordial relations with many BJP leaders who feel he favours caste and family links over hard work. There were allegations of nepotism when his son Pankaj Singh was appointed general secretary of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh, forcing the resignation of senior party members Daya Shankar Singh, Santosh Singh and Ashwini Tyagi. Pankaj, believed to be close to the ‘Thakur mafia’, is blamed for dragging his father into Thakur politics of the state. Rajnath Singh is said to be behind the infamous gang of 40 Thakur MLAs, mostly with criminal backgrounds, who had asserted their identity across political lines to create problems for the Kalyan Singh government in the late 90s. Thakur criminal Brijesh Singh has successfully evaded the police for years, allegedly due to his
proximity with Rajnath Singh, who was also responsible for elevating Brijesh’s uncle to the
Vidhan Parishad. Last year, while declaring he would never join the BJP again, Kalyan Singh provided the media with details of Pankaj’s links with the mafia and details of his
securing mining rights in the state and Chhattisgarh by using his father’s contacts. However, nationally, Rajnath Singh has managed to keep a non-controversial image. He kept himself aloof from the emotive Ramjanambhoomi movement and is perhaps the only senior leader from Uttar Pradesh who does not figure in the chargesheet filed by the CBI.
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a state-run health centre in a rural area. Invariably, the staff, especially the doctor, would be missing and the building would be dilapidated or ill-maintained. In all likelihood, necessary equipment and life-saving drugs may also not be available. But not at the Primary Health Centre in Lehra Mohabbat in Bathinda district, which caters to five ‘Lehra’ villages known for two thermal plants. An MBBS doctor is available early in the morning and late evenings and is serving humanity through the medical profession. In an era when commercialism has taken precedence over service in the noble profession, Dr Ashwani is a shining exception. While most doctors don’t want to serve in rural areas or complain about the tough working conditions with minimum facilities, the doctor goes about his work day after day, year after year. Not in the race A strict disciplinarian, the doctor has ignored chances of his personal growth and comfort. He does not take commission from pharmaceutical companies. Instead, he passes on the benefit to his patients. As a result, the prescribed medicines are available at a discount of up to 50 per cent, as are the laboratory tests. Chemists operating in the village announce the discounted rates of medicines through banners and display boards and have set an example at a time when some of their counterparts in the ‘cancer belt’ are being accused of selling cancer medicines at exorbitant prices. Dr Ashwani gives the credit to drug companies, refusing to be drawn to any unethical practice. “I am just doing my job. I am supposed to see patients, even at odd hours. Please don’t write about me,” he says. “We all have to work. I believe individual growth is temporary. We must try to cater to the need of the entire population. Working in a rural area gives me immense satisfaction,” he says. Rallying around Son of a veterinarian, Dr Ashwani earned his MBBS degree at Rajindra Medical College Patiala. He has been posted in a rural health centre since 1997. Most of his tenure has been in this village. Some months ago, hundreds of village residents, farmer-activists, labourers, engineers and teachers, besides panchayats of several villages, staged a dharna for several days in protest against his transfer to another health centre. “They did not let me leave the village,” he says. His transfer orders were cancelled. He got so busy with his life here that he thought upgrading his medical degree may prove counterproductive. “If I had gone in for MD, I would have been posted to a hospital in a city,” he says. Doesn’t he get lucrative offers? “Yes, at times, but I don’t want to get into that race. A large number of doctors have shunned such offers,” he states. His goodness seems to have rubbed on others too. The chemists don’t want to talk about commissions or benefits given by drug companies. “We give discount to a large number of patients coming from distant places to seek the doctor’s advice. How can we charge more when the companies offer medicines at lower rates?” asks Surinder Singh, a chemist. Distance matters not Gurmail Singh of Kot Duna village in Sangrur district would rather go to Dr Ashwani than big hospitals in Sangrur and Patiala. “The doctor is available whenever we come here. We have benefited from his prescription. Further, it costs us less than 25 per cent compared to hospitals in Sangrur,” he says. Patients visit him from far-off places like Rajasthan, Haryana and other districts of Punjab. Shanti Devi from Ropar says, “All my family members visit him. He doesn’t practice any miracle cure. He advises us to visit another doctor if the need arises.” Dr Ashwani maintains a register of his patients. Everyone comes strictly in a queue. No one can jump the line. Once, even his mother-in-law had to stand in the queue to wait for her turn. “I live by certain values and principles. I simply try to follow them. I feel if all of us live a principled life, the nation will prosper,” he adds with conviction.
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Andre Agassi, former tennis champion Zakir Hussain, tabla maestro Pranab Mukherjee, president of india Mohammed Azam Khan, samajwadi party leader
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The only way I could have beaten Novak Djokovic would have been to pick a fight with him. I might have had a chance. It’s just a different standard of tennis now. The game’s gotten a lot better.
If you want to stay ahead of the pack, you better have something new to offer. And the pack is right here. People consider me the best in my field. I can name at least 15 tabla players who are just as good. 
We were taught the essence of democracy is 3D — debate and discussion, dissent, and decision. But when I retired from Parliament, I found there was another D — disruption of House. 
I would have led the frenzied crowds had they decided to bring down the Taj Mahal instead of Babri Masjid. Shah Jahan had no right to spend crores of public money to immortalise his beloved.