Gas price goes up, up WHEAT, rice, sugar and now cooking gas. The BJP-led government seems to have a long secret list of essential items which it can tap to raise pre-budget revenue. The government’s need for cash is genuine and in support Finance Secretary Vijay Kelkar reels off highly disturbing figures.

Ahmadi's anguish
IT needs the courage of one’s convictions, among numerous other things emanating from soul-searching, to say what Justice A. M. Ahmadi, a former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, said for the benefit of an enlightened congregation on the occasion of the 118th anniversary of The Tribune at Chandigarh on Sunday.

Pro-farmer move
THE Haryana Government's decision to extend credit to bona fide farmers on easy terms against stocks with the Haryana Warehousing Corporation may be dubbed by the Opposition as a political stunt.

MISSIONARIES IN INDIA
by P.H. Vaishnav
EVEN after generously allowing for media exaggeration and distortion, the fact of a determined campaign against Christian missionaries cannot be viewed lightly. Fortynine years ago we gave to ourselves a constitution that guarantees the freedom to profess and faith and also gives everyone the right to project the tenets of one’s religion for propagating it among the people of other faiths.

Rationale behind
retirement age
by Anurag
THE Fifth Pay Commission mandated itself to look at the task of governance in the 21st century, especially the economic, political and social challenges.

BJP may drop Hindutva
as poll plank
by P. Raman
THE MOST significant message of the present political crisis has been the demise of Hindutva as a political and electoral plank. When the BJP had abandoned its most effective campaign points like Ayodhya, the common civil code and Article 370 last March, it was done what was then claimed as a purely short-term compromise to accommodate its liberal allies.

Ministers ‘take over’
PIO’s duty
THE Press Information Bureau, the Union Government department responsible for disseminating news to the media, is having little to do these days. It is not that the government has run out of news but it has more to do with the ministers’ penchant for being in the headlines.

Slippery masseur
by Rajnish Wattas
“NOTHING like a good oil massage,” that’s what father would say in a relaxed and expansive mood, after the barber had performed his champi magic every Sunday. For us, it was the golden moment to plead cases for purchase of a new cricket bat, a cycle or to be taken to a cinema show — a major excitement — in the small provincial town where we grew up.

75 Years Ago

Anglo-Franco-Indian Cooperation
THE potentialities of Afghanistan are also attracting attention in this country, where some curiosity naturally exists as to the extent to which concessions of various kinds are being granted to French and German experts.

Gas price goes up, up

WHEAT, rice, sugar and now cooking gas. The BJP-led government seems to have a long secret list of essential items which it can tap to raise pre-budget revenue. The government’s need for cash is genuine and in support Finance Secretary Vijay Kelkar reels off highly disturbing figures. But his justification for raising the prices and the benefits he promises are utterly unconvincing. For instance, he argues, the reduction in food and sugar subsidies will bring down the fiscal deficit by 0.25 per cent of the GDP and this will magically translate into a reduction in the inflation rate by 0.5 per cent. So the consumer pays a small amount only to get a bigger reward! But the problem is that Mr Kelkar believes in the sanctity of the inflation rate based on the wholesale price index (WPI). This has come down to a five-year low. But this WPI figure conceals a harsh reality. Actually, the commodities that go into the shopping bag of a middle class man cost 15.3 per cent more in December, and as high as 19.7 per cent in November when onion sold for Rs 50 a kilo and the BJP got a drubbing in the state assembly elections. This kind of price rise will react dangerously to a sharp increase in foodgrain prices and not extremely marginally, as the official version has it.

The government-ordained price rise in quick succession has exposed a major weakness in official thinking. The government is convinced that financial stress is caused by a shortfall in revenue and since the citizens are obliged to help, it has a divine right to dip into their pockets. But as any housewife would know, there is another way of seeking relief. One can take a hard look at the expenditure side with a view to saving enough to meet the situation. Take foodgrains trade. An experts group from abroad surveyed the mandis, storage pattern there and at the silos, transportation and handling, and found that as high as 20 per cent of the procured grain is lost in all this and by way damage caused by rats. With some care this can be brought down to 10 per cent (and then to 5 per cent), which would lead to a saving much higher than what the government hopes to do by raising the price of ration shop supply. Now the FCI has been asked to study its structure and practices to identify the areas where there can be economy and higher income. A similar study is urgently needed to re-examine the method of determining the subsidy component of the cooking gas price. This is particularly so since the government has threatened to increase the price in the next two years. Surely there should be ways of reducing the cost of a cylinder bottled at various centres. Gas is pumped out or imported cheaply (when it is not flared), transported through a long pipeline in a liquefied form for the end process to be done in a highly automatic equipment. The government can balance its books by either reducing the cost or by increasing the sale price. The two should go in tandem.

Ahmadi's anguish

IT needs the courage of one’s convictions, among numerous other things emanating from soul-searching, to say what Justice A. M. Ahmadi, a former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, said for the benefit of an enlightened congregation on the occasion of the 118th anniversary of The Tribune at Chandigarh on Sunday. The former judge said, inter alia: "Over the years, there has been a sharp decline in democratic values because of the all-pervading criminalisation and communalisation of politics, with liberal values — in particular, the concepts of equality and fraternity —receiving severe jolts." As the learned legal luminary observed, there are elections but no real democracy; law courts but no speedy justice; a plethora of laws sans the rule of law and a law enforcement machinery but no enforcement whatsoever.... The villain of the piece is indeed the continuing shift of focus from criminalisation of politics to politicisation of criminals. In the Indian situation, we have observed that it has never been possible to forget our composite culture and ennobling ethics! Iconoclasm is not our favourite game although we value the views of those who do not believe in idolatry. Every religion has its icons and symbols in a multi-ethnic society. It is important to keep in mind the fact our Rishis taught us: "It is better to build than to break." Justice Ahmadi illustrated every point he made with contemporary examples before concluding in the context of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee's fasting on Gandhiji's martyrdom day, that what is now required is strict action against those who incite and those who execute. He was all praise for the Prime Minister's fasting because such a purifying act sends a powerful message to all parts of the country.

The Tribune has consistently opposed anti-secularism. Jawaharlal Nehru said: "Generosity of heart is a good thing but what is wanted is not an emotional outburst of generosity but coldly reasoned tolerance." It is indeed true that our secularism is tending to become needlessly intolerant. The well-being of the people is the central part of the manifestos of all political parties. There is general agreement that under any definition the people must own the means of production and distribution. This is democracy, looked at from another point of view. It is clear after 50 years of tribulations that non-aggressiveness and peace are necessary for rapid social and economic transformation. Indian planning has to be liberal and pro-poor. It has been increasingly realised that democracy can exist only in an atmosphere of large-heartedness. There should not be any inconsistency between socialism and democracy. In terms of the people's needs and urges, the process of fulfilment is the same. The democratic process should be real and it should enhance its value with social progress. Almost every major legislation has been an attempt at reconciling the Fundamental Rights with the Directive Principles. Money, politics, religion or prejudice should not be allowed to stand in the way of the removal of vested interests and the exercise of equal rights. After long debates, it seems that the Legislature, the Judiciary and the Executive are coming to this common view. There would be no place for totalitarianism if the nature of social justice is understood and accepted by all organs of the government and by all political parties. The long road which began with adult suffrage in the 1952 elections, with an electorate of about 175 million, has led to the participation of millions more in the electoral process. The prospect of a stable, secure, just and equitable democracy has never been dim. Justice Ahmadi has said with great anguish: "Not every section feels secure in the country today." We endorse his viewpoint in the light of the prevailing situation. Man does not know what it requires to become and remain man. As Nehru said on August 28, 1953, in a letter to K.N. Katju, "the only thing sacrosanct is the human being and matters should be judged from the social point of view of human betterment". We are sure we shall overcome. We love our democracy. The religion of man must assert itself. This, in brief, is Justice Ahmadi's prescription for secular India.

Pro-farmer move

THE Haryana Government's decision to extend credit to bona fide farmers on easy terms against stocks with the Haryana Warehousing Corporation may be dubbed by the Opposition as a political stunt. It is true that Chief Minister Bansi Lal's popularity rating has taken a nosedive and the voices of dissent from within the Haryana Vikas Party may tempt him to take populist measures for political survival. A fair assessment of the problems faced by small and marginal farmers in the State too suggests that several more measures need to be taken for fulfilling the promise of sweeping reforms in the agricultural sector. Nevertheless, the decision to extend easy credit to farmers against their stocks deserves a qualified welcome. The Haryana Cabinet has approved a Bill to be introduced during the ensuing Assembly session for amending the Punjab Warehousing Act, 1957. Whether the proposed amendment would actually help farmers lacking holding capacity would depend on how the so-called pro-farmer scheme is implemented. Today most farmers not only in Haryana but elsewhere in the country also are forced into distress sale of their stocks for want of holding capacity. Without an adequate machinery to help them, the farmers are left at the mercy of middlemen and commission agents for survival. In Andhra Pradesh, Punjab and even in Haryana this is the main reason behind the incidents of farmers committing suicide.

Under the proposed scheme the bona fide farmers would be encouraged to seek registration with the Haryana Warehousing Corporation. The farmers would be provided credit up to 75 per cent of the assessed value of their stocks with the HWC on easy terms. The farmers would be free to sell their produce as and when they are able to get a good price in the open market. The ceiling on the benefits they would be entitled to would be based on their land holding. This provision may come in for sharp criticism because it would help the big farmers to corner most of the credit on easy terms. The big farmers have the capacity not only to survive but also prosper to without government help. The issue which needs to be examined is how to increase the quantum of benefits to small and marginal farmers in relation to those who have large land holdings. Merely amending the Act may not be enough to get the pro-farmer scheme started. Equally important is the creation of more warehouses with improved storage facilities. The government has promised to make scientific storage facilities available to farmers on modest rates of interest. However, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. It is hoped that the government would take note of the concerns of the small and marginal farmers during the debate on the proposed amendment.

MISSIONARIES IN INDIA
Emulate rather than persecute them
by P.H. Vaishnav

EVEN after generously allowing for media exaggeration and distortion, the fact of a determined campaign against Christian missionaries cannot be viewed lightly. Fortynine years ago we gave to ourselves a constitution that guarantees the freedom to profess and faith and also gives everyone the right to project the tenets of one’s religion for propagating it among the people of other faiths. So long as it is done in a peaceful manner, leaders of other religions have no right to interfere with except through availing themselves of this freedom for propagating their own faith among their own kind or among the people of other faiths. The extreme Hindu fringe is questioning this constitutional proposition, emerging from our long tradition of religious tolerance, with a view to gathering political support of the Hindu masses by putting them in fear of losing large numbers from the Hindu fold to Christianity. It also plays on the Hindu subconscious mind, which is uncomfortable with the lack of a corporate character in its religion.

While any dialogue with the extremists would probably be of no avail, those who feel for the country’s unity and the tolerant ethos of Hinduism would do well to educate the people against this poison. The VHP argument that the poorest sections among the Hindus are being won over to Christianity by throwing foreign-funded crumbs has no basis in fact. The reason why people leave a particular fold is that they see no prospect for them in the midst of entrenched practices of discrimination, oppression, humiliation and the denial of equality. The Dalits or the tribal people, from whom the missionaries gather some following, were reduced to a status of plight from which they saw no deliverance except by walking out of it. The great attraction, therefore,was because of the prospect of joining a group that guaranteed equality. There was also concern among the missionaries for the welfare and development of those seeking shelter from persecution.

It would, therefore, be appropriate for people to accept the obvious fact that Christian missions have rendered yeoman service in whatever areas they have worked. Taken as a whole, their contribution in various walks of national life has been commendable and overwhelming. As an officer in the Cabinet Secretariat, I had an occasion to visit a village in Masaudi block of Patna district. The object of the visit was to study the phenomenon of atrocities on Dalits in seven districts of Southern Bihar. Along with six other districts of Bihar, Patna has a Dalit population larger than the state’s average. These people live in the midst of two very strong forces — the very high-handed non-Dalit landowners and their naxalite challengers. The police, the courts and the revenue administration have become marginalised, and the naxalites describe some pockets as “liberated” areas. The village I visited falls in this liberated area. Its poverty had to be seen to be believed.

It is in their midst that I met two Christian sisters, young and frail, and I could not have told them from other Bihari women except by a little cross they wore in their necklace. They had made a tremendous impact on the people by tapping funds from the on-going schemes of the government such as the India Avas Yojna, street-lighting through solar-charged batteries, piped water supply with conveniently located stand posts, two large craft training centres — one for men and the other for women — and between these two centres was a church, whose construction and architecture blended so totally with the rest of the buildings in the village that one could not distinguish the church building except by the cross on top of the roof.

These sisters spoke Hindi very fluently and had identified themselves completely with the community. On return to Patna when I talked about it in official circles, their natural question was as to how many of the people had got converted to Christianity. I told them that it was a matter of great surprise that none of them had converted to Christianity, but considering the service rendered to the people by the missionaries, it should not be a matter of surprise if all of them embraced Christianity.

I came across this phenomenon elsewhere. For example, in the autonomous district of Karbi Anglong, the District Council enjoys autonomy under the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution that would be the envy of the votaries of Panchayati Raj. Yet over 30 years in 1980, when I went there as an officer of the Planning Commission, the council did not seem a success so far as the development of the people was concerned. Malaria was rampant and generally the district showed a certain degree of under-development. This was surprising for a tribal community enjoying a really decentralised set-up. Five Don Bosco fathers came to this area and started providing two inputs, which people needed the most — health and education. Their impact was so profound that they were able to attract a considerable following without in any way forcing their religion on the people.

The success of the Baptist Mission in Nagaland and Mizoram is again the result of the services rendered by the missions to the people in the midst of a tremendous initial hostility and danger to their lives. Long ago in Lahaul and Spiti (now in Himachal Pradesh), the Moravian Missionaries made a lasting impact on the development of Lahaul in terms of new crops, improved building construction and architecture, education and many other things. They had not much success with conversions as only six families embraced Christianity and yet people recall with great affection the services rendered by these missionaries. To talk of re-converting such people makes no sense if they are forced into it by intimidation, fear and insecurity. If the Vishwa Hindu Parishad is so concerned about conversions it might look at the very examples of the success of missionaries, whom it should emulate rather than persecute. It would be perfectly legitimate for those concerned about Hinduism to tap its vast reservoir of charity for setting up educational institutions, hospitals, etc. It would generate a constructive social force in favour of non-governmental and, therefore, efficient community-managed development, much faster and more relevant to the local needs.

In the very district of Dangs, a non-Christian political leader like Jhinabhai Darjee has rendered signal service by organising the tribal people and providing them with education and health care without imposing on them any agenda of Hindutva. The standard of education in Jhinabhai Darjee’s school would be the envy of Christian missions. Therefore, even if the avowed objective is to re-convert people, it can only be through a voluntary, non-sectarian activity and not by force. There have been many Hindu sects which have, at the micro-level, made a powerful impression through dedicated service. On the other hand, there are examples of alienation among the minorities because of the bigotry and force employed in the Shuddhi Movement of the last century.

Let us look at another case of conversions to Islam in Tamil Nadu. In its southern part, the Dalit population faced the anger of caste Hindus. The conversions to Islam were provoked by this confrontation. The Christian appeal for those Dalits was not strong because it appears that the Dalit converts to Christianity carried their earlier caste handicap in the Christian fold too and further they felt that conversion to Islam gives them the confidence that comes from a militant orientation.

Fundamentalism has hurt all those who have used it for narrow political ends. The Pakistani society is paying the price for it. The Sikhs and the rest of Punjab have suffered on that account. This should not be allowed to assume a national scale and become the cause of civil strife.

It is, therefore, imperative to educate Hindu opinion against this irresponsible force of divisiveness and ultimate damage to none other than the Hindus themselves. If these preachers of hatred were to learn from the missionaries rather than harass them, they would have achieved their aim. Let us hope that all political parties are able to organise a rational response to this phenomenon instead of an inane political screaming around secularism or Hindutva. Meanwhile, the government must be ruthless with those who seek to force a re-conversion or interfere with the functioning of Christian missions.

Rationale behind retirement age
by Anurag

THE Fifth Pay Commission (FPC) mandated itself to look at the task of governance in the 21st century, especially the economic, political and social challenges. The imperatives of liberalisation and globalisation, the FPC acknowledged, would not only lead to a reduced role of the government as a producer of goods and services but also expect the public services to transform themselves from “controllers” to “catalysts” or facilitators.

It was further emphasised that the government needed to be restructured by reorganising the existing departments, by transferring subjects and institutions to the state governments and the locally elected bodies, by converting departmental undertakings into public sector organisations, and by encouraging cooperatives, autonomous bodies and NGOs to take over some of the functions of the state.

The overall emphasis was on increasing the productivity of public servants as also the quality of public service they render at various levels. As too many cooks spoil the broth, the need for right-sizing their number could not be overemphasised. It is noteworthy that the annual compound rate of growth in the number of civilian employees during 1984-1994 has been a mere 1 per cent as against 1.4 per cent of the armed forces personnel. And among the civilians, it is the central police organisations which grew at 5.6 per cent.

The FPC strongly recommended a 30 per cent across-the-board cut in the central government workforce over the next 10 years, with immediate abolition of 3.5 lakh vacant posts. This could be achieved by the annual attrition through retirements and deaths, assisted by variously proposed voluntary retirement schemes, coupled with the compulsory retirement of the incompetent and the corrupt. It also favoured a freeze on further employment of junior staff and a sharp cutback in the intake of executives.

It was against this backdrop that the FPC recommendation of raising the retirement age from 58 to 60 years made good sense. But the idea of abolishing 3.5 lakh vacant posts in one stroke was anathema to the leftist-socialist school of thought. The communist parties and a few others outrightly rejected it as ideologically abhorrent and politically embarrassing. The proposed scheme was expected to hit the group “D” staff the hardest, as they constituted 57 per cent of the 33 lakh central government employees. The raising of the retirement age didn’t find favour with many, what with its fallout on the depressed employment market. About two lakh young men and women who could have got central government employment against the usual retirement have now been left with lesser job avenues.

The aforesaid logic behind the retirement age raise seems to have been jettisoned in favour of more mundane considerations. It was passionately pleaded that the en masse extension for all and sundry would entail a saving of Rs 4,300 crore in terms of retirement benefits, which a government seized with fiscal exigencies could ill-afford to ignore. It is a different matter that the financial outgo on account of the implementation of the FPC recommendations far-outweighed the so-called savings of Rs 4,300 crore which are, in fact, deferred dues.

This was sought to be underpinned by another argument that the core competence of the top-notch greying government professionals and policy planners at the helm would stand the pro-reforms government in good stead.

Few would disagree that the government does have employees who may retire but not tire and still remain a live wire. But there are also many who gradually reach their level of incompetence with passing years. Merit-based selective extensions were alright. The higher retirement age should have been accompanied by a quinquennial system of appraisal of grade “A” officers, as suggested by the FPC — the officials of doubtful integrity and the deadwood could be compulsorily retired in a manner that would be upheld by the courts. Another wholesome suggestion related to the government employees being allowed to retain their lien for two years in case they wished to migrate to the private sector. Contract-based employment should be encouraged since most of the group “D” jobs are essentially “part-time” ones.

In the bargain, it is the middle level members of the bureaucracy who have been badly battered. Deprived of promotion, they are a low-spirited lot. The wait period for government accommodation in big cities has been stretched further. The bulk of the defence personnel never welcomed the higher retirement age for their service-specific reasons.

The decision of the state governments of Rajasthan, Maharashtra and J&K to revert to the earlier retirement age should be seen as the rightful recognition of the social, economic and political compulsions of the times we live in. Piecemeal implementation of the FPC package may not yield the desired results. A holistic approach is called for.

Slippery masseur
by Rajnish Wattas

“NOTHING like a good oil massage,” that’s what father would say in a relaxed and expansive mood, after the barber had performed his champi magic every Sunday. For us, it was the golden moment to plead cases for purchase of a new cricket bat, a cycle or to be taken to a cinema show — a major excitement — in the small provincial town where we grew up. Apparently, the oil massages were messengers of benevolence that opened his pores of paternal largesse towards children.

And this has caught up with me, now, in my own middle age. Living in a fastpaced modern city; the body and nerves ache for a good soothing massage — but barbers here don’t make house calls. Although fancy hair-cutting saloons and health-clubs are in plenty, they are beyond my middle-class budget.

As queries in the neighbourhood barber shops evinced only embarrassing replies in my search for a masseur; I narrowed it down to humbler establishments. Finally, it was a roadside barber operating under a kachnar grove, with a rickety chair and an old mirror dangling from the tree trunk for gadgetry, who answered my help-call.

It all began wonderfully well. Every Sunday he would come for either a hair cut — just snipping off a few strands on the balding pate — or an invigorating massage. On the “massage-only” days, he would make me lie on a duree in the verandah and work his magical, nimble fingers on my taut and tense muscles from toe to head — leaving me in state of blissful torpor. Later, lazing in the sun, preceded by a hot-water bath, brought on a sweet languor; further topped by a lassitude which only gin and lime can impart! I had found my nirvana.

As my secret of the radiant, Sunday glow spread; requests from friends to persuade my “magic-find” to include them also in his list of clientele started pouring in. But Shivram — the masseur — was adamant in his refusals and made me out as a very special case. Under such a spell of flattery, my payments for his services also began to swell and took on a feudal touch, like a nawab disbursing small bounties to his minions.

However, one Sunday, Shivram, while massaging was not his usual glib self; rattling off anecdotes of his native village and its colourful local politics. I asked him for the reason. “Sahib my brother has deserted home and my aged parents are without support — I am very distressed” Would I extend him a loan? Who can say no to one’s dispenser of weekly salvation; and so I grandly loaned him one thousand rupees, returnable when able.

But that was the last I saw of him. The whole of last Sunday I kept waiting in my shorts in the verandah with the bottles of oil and the duree, but no one showed up.

Enquiries next day, revealed a “new talent” manning the tree-trunk hair cutting saloon instead. Shivram had disappeared. I despaired; but the old cobbler sitting close by, consolingly advised, “Sahib forget your money, this is the typical modus-operandi of these roadside barbers”. My mystic masseur had slipped off — giving me the last rub.

BJP may drop Hindutva as poll plank

by P. Raman

THE MOST significant message of the present political crisis has been the demise of Hindutva as a political and electoral plank. When the BJP had abandoned its most effective campaign points like Ayodhya, the common civil code and Article 370 last March, it was done what was then claimed as a purely short-term compromise to accommodate its liberal allies. It has been a “strategic” retreat until the BJP got its own majority to enforce the parivar’s programmes.

Since then the party has been forced to renounce each aspect of its Hindutva baggage, initially as a survival strategy and then as a ‘considered’ policy. Most of us have missed the significance of this qualitative change in the very rationalisation of all such policy shifts. It speaks volumes of the BJP leadership’s disillusionment with the efficacy of religious issues, both to retain power and for preserving and expanding the electoral base. Initially, Vajpayee had defended Saraswati Vandana and Vande Mataram. Then compulsions of survival forced him to drop it abruptly. First it was admitted that the Swadeshi policies were dropped as a price for getting foreign investment and under WTO compulsions. Now Vajpayee himself says it was done in the interests of economic development.

His Parliamentary Affairs Minister Madan Lal Khurana (who resigned on Saturday) wants to “atone” for murder of the Christian missionary and Vajpayee himself went in for a fast. This can certainly be interpreted as a move to give him a high liberal image which will help continuation of the present government. But more than this, the soft line being pushed by the Vajpayee camp within the BJP and RSS parivar has been the result of the grim realisation that the Indian pluralistic ethos still remain strong enough to allow any separatist hegemony. The initial calculation has been that protests from the minorities will evoke matching angry reaction from Hindu segments.

This did not happen. On the other, it seems to have further isolated those still pushing an aggressive agenda within the parivar. There is little doubt who is behind the recent surge in religious violence. For long, the RSS organ Organiser has been running a campaign against the missionaries. VHP and Bajrang Dal leaders aggressively condemn the Christian activities. Yet the VHP and Bajrang Dal vehemently deny any role in the attacks on the Christians and other minority institutions. Even on the subversion of the cricket match, the Shiv Sena has allegedly claimed they did what the RSS itself wanted but could not do.

If the hard-core parivar activists, who otherwise lose no time to proclaim their aggressive agenda, themselves disown the attacks, such an ambiguous position only reveals the extent of public resistance. Moreover, the sudden increase in the attacks have its origin in the parivar’s factional politics. It began as an internal protest against the dominant BJP leadership’s deviation from the Hindutva path for the sake of safeguarding power. It was also hoped that when such moves to whip up religious frenzy succeed, it would invariably force the BJP leadership to fall in line. This had happened in the case of the Ayodhya agitation.

From all accounts, the present public rebuff indicates a much stronger possible disapproval from what can be described as the subterranean parallel dissent. While there has been no serious effort to understand the behavioural pattern and dynamics of this invisible institution, almost every political party has fallen victim to its deadly slap. The post-Emergency electorate never reveals its mind through public protests but acts discreetly on the polling day. Only the highly discerning could gauge the undercurrents among the unknown millions. They ruthlessly punish any ruling party that rides roughshod over them.

Psephologists have the “swing” theory. But how the swings come about, defying their own public opinion surveys and the media watch, is something which has always puzzled everyone. Most often, our elaborate caste and community calculations get swept out when the results come. During innumerable visits to the interior for election coverage, this writer was often astonished by the astute political awareness and sharp sense of judgement among those whom we dismiss as illiterate and ignorant. What was more puzzling has been the existence of a sort of parallel media — well beyond the reach of the print media and the TV.

Everyone knows it does exist but few have tried to explain its source of strength and mode of communication. Earlier, Indian voters used to respond in total unison. Then we had the North-South divide. Voter preferences were strikingly similar from Amritsar to Patna until the mid-eithties. Some explain the present statewise election pattern as a direct result of the spread of language media and regional news on TV. However, a more convincing explanation for this may be the localisation of state politics following the emergence of powerful local political parties in most states. This tends to substantially insulate state politics from the direct influence of all-India parties.

Public opinion in India works at three levels. First, at the official, elite level. Influenced overtly or covertly, the media generally reflects the official and elite preferences and prejudices. Collectively, the established media adopts a guarded approach on issues only when the establishment takes a blatantly obnoxious position. Second, the dynamics of the media working at the intellectual-middle class level. It always reverberates with the latter’s aspirations because they constituted a socially powerful segment. Watch the recent overwhelmingly middle class-oriented feasts in the print and electronic media to woo this powerful consumer class.

The third level comprises the invisible and disdainfully neglected dumb millions whose only value is as voters. The organised media ignores them as inconsequential. The elite and the middle class could always effectively dominate society and control economic activity. On this premise, we miscalculate that the same classes could also shape public opinion and the voting pattern. It has been the organised media’s refusal to represent them and reflect their aspirations that perpetuates the existence of the invisible parallel media. Thus it works in isolation, unled and unscripted. This makes it more difficult for an outsider to understand it.

It has been this invisible media that often inhibits the effectiveness of the organised media in shaping public opinion. For two decades, West Bengal voters have been persistently ignoring the anti-CPM campaign by the state’s mass circulation Bengali and English media. Laloo Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav have their own communication channels, which to an extent makes the established media ineffective in deriding them among their followers. One wonders what constitutes parallel communication and who shapes parallel dissent on the eve of an election?

The organised media seems to play no role in the formation of public opinion at those lowest levels. Their understanding of the issues and approach to problems are vastly different. Does the intensity of field publicity and poll-eve propaganda blitz by political parties influence them? Since there has been no serious empirical study into this aspect, it is difficult to arrive at a conclusion. Political parties have executed several well-planned multi-milion projects to market their leaders. The 1984 Rajiv project had a miraculous effect apparently due to extremely favourable factors. But last year’s Vajpayee project remained partly a middle class affair. The limited success has been more due to its strategic alliances with about 20 local outfits. Considering the huge funds pumped in to sustain them, both Vajpayee and Sonia projects have not been cost-effective.

Does the percolation of ideas from the middle classes and the reading public really reach these sections? May be marginally. The self-assertion brought about by caste-based parties like the BSP and Mandal outfits had broken the age-old upper caste and feudal hold over voters in the vast north. Keeping aside committed groups and herded voters, the parallel communication is shaped largely not by information input but by the reaction and responses to situations and incidents within their reach. Often, the rustic responses have their own logic. Huge publicity build-up or over-projection can evoke contempt and aversion. Grand performances by leaders at rallies may often be curtly dismissed as “nautanki” by the dispersing crowds.

All available political indicators tend to strengthen the view that vigorous pedalling of the aggressive Hindutva has not gone down well with unidentifiable decision-makers at the bottom of the social strata. This has been the message of the recent assembly elections. Lack of popular support to the recent VHP-Bajrang Dal programmes further confirms this. Normally, Indian voters detest extremities but in the process they themselves act by severely punishing those whom they perceive as guilty. The power of public opinion as expressed in successive elections had always put restraints on all those who had tried to impose partisan programmes.

Social divisions — religious, caste, class and regional — together produce an effective balancing effect on India’s political system. Indira Gandhi had thought her charisma was everlasting. The BJP dreamt that the Ayodhya frenzy would permanently endear it to the majority. But it had failed to get a mandate even in its northern strongholds — except partially in Rajasthan — in the first elections after the demolition. The Indian psyche has its own built-in-resilience.

With the marketability of the Hindutva remaining at its ebb, the allies are bound to resist it at the coalition level. Now that the combined public opinion has unnerved even the VHP to the extent of disowning the attacks on Christians, the BJP is not likely to take up the Hindutva plank in the near future. We have to watch how the RSS parivar deals with problems arising out of such a setback.

Ministers ‘take over’ PIO’s duty

THE Press Information Bureau, the Union Government department responsible for disseminating news to the media, is having little to do these days. It is not that the government has run out of news but it has more to do with the ministers’ penchant for being in the headlines. Of late, the ministers often talk on the sidelines of major conferences and seminars and directly give news to the media.

The proverbial last straw on the camel’s back has been the government’s decision to authorise the media-savvy Information and Broadcasting Minister, Pramod Mahajan to brief newspersons on the outcome of Union Cabinet meetings. A traditional job of the Principal Information Officer, the minister’s new assignment has not been taken kindly by the PIO. Routine enquiries on Government developments are often referred to Mr Mahajan’s office. But here, too, Mr Mahajan faces competition. His Cabinet colleagues prefer to give their own briefings on matters concerning their ministries.

Last week, the PIB saw three different press conferences on a single day in the Shastri Bhavan conference room. Union Textiles Minister Kanshiram Rana held a separate news conference and this was followed by Mr Mahajan’s briefing. That was not the end of it. It was followed by another briefing jointly by Mr George Fernandes, Dr Murli Manohar Joshi and Mr Navin Patnaik on the outcome of their on-the-spot visit to Orissa, where an Australian missionary and his two sons were murdered. A PIB official when asked about the new trend said the PIB should be redesignated “ministers information bureau.”

Thackeray’s tactic pays off?

The Shiv Sena strongman, Mr Bal Thackeray, may have left many cricket lovers incensed by his opposition to the visit of the Pakistan cricket team. Digging up of the cricket pitch at Ferozeshah Kotla grounds in the Capital was also widely condemned. But, surprisingly, on hindsight he also got some compliments.

A senior functionary of the Lok Shakti party, an ally of the BJP at the Centre, while being critical of the Shiv Sena’s policy, admitted that the Maratha “tiger” had also done some good turn for cricket. Had it not been for the Shiv Sena’s digging up the pitch in Ferozeshah Kotla grounds, the first Test between India and Pakistan would have been held in Delhi. But during the days that the matches were initially scheduled to be held in the Capital, there were heavy rains and a hailstorm. The functionary said the country should be grateful to Mr Thackeray for forcing the match to be held in Chennai, instead of Delhi. The Delhi match would have been a washout and indeed a loss to cricket lovers, he added.

Gandhi portraits missing

The conference hall at 24, Akbar Road, the headquarters of the All-India Congress Committee, has an array of portraits of famous party leaders, including Indira Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and Rajiv Gandhi. Portraits of other leaders like Mahatma Gandhi, and B.R. Ambedkar are also displayed there.

However, what was surprising was that on the eve of the martyrdom day of Mahatma Gandhi on January 30, portraits of the entire Gandhi family were missing.

Several scribes who assembled for the daily routine briefing were perplexed at the disappearance of the Gandhi family portraits from the walls of the room. Enquiries revealed that the portraits had been shifted to the venue of a special function, which was being organised by the AICC, to observe Martyrs Day.

Oppn okayed price hike?

It is hardly surprising that a majority of political parties, both in the Opposition and those in the BJP coalition, are up in arms against the government’s decision to increase the prices of essential commodities supplied through ration shops.

But then the government is not perturbed by this hullabaloo. The reason is that the government had already secured a green signal from a majority of the parties to go ahead with the price hike.

At a meeting of the Finance Ministry’s consultative committee, several party representatives had expressed concern over the mounting food subsidy bill and felt that action should be taken to contain it. Barring the Left parties, every party is understood to have agreed with the government’s proposal to hike prices. The price hike was taken up on the tacit understanding that while the parties would criticise the move, they would do nothing to destabilise the government.

Supermodel has an edge

Are supermodels being replaced by superplayers? At least one prospective supermodel seems to agree. Grasim Man of the Year, Abhijit Sanyal, when asked what was a better choice, being a supermodel or a superplayer, he opted for the former. Superplayers, more often than not, also become supermodels, but the reverse is seldom true.

The recent Adidas ad is a case in point. The ad, using the “special pause effect” for the first time in Indian advertising, captures the pulse of the whole nation as the favourite role model of current times, Sachin Tendulkar displays his vast repertoire of strokes.

The promo exercise appears to have paid rich dividends for the company and sales figures for products endorsed by “supermodel” Tendulkar are reported to be at peak levels. Supermodels are you listening?

(Contributed by T.V. Lakshminarayan, P.N. Andley and Gaurav Choudhury)

75 YEARS AGO

Anglo-Franco-Indian Cooperation
London letter-I

THE potentialities of Afghanistan are also attracting attention in this country, where some curiosity naturally exists as to the extent to which concessions of various kinds are being granted to French and German experts. There was a meeting of the India Society at 21 Cromwell Road last Thursday, when references were made by several speakers to the field for archaeological and other research which Afghanistan offers.

The attitude taken by the India Society in this regard is that of recommending cooperation with the French in the work of exploration.Senart, the President, Sir Hercules Reed, said it was well that France and England work together in the study of Asiatic history, art and archaeology.

Two well known Frenchmen, he said, were now making investigations among the ancient remains of Afghanistan, and when he made inquiries at the Quaid’Orsay as to whether this was an exclusive privilege granted to France, he was informed that the cooperation of British investigators would be heartily welcomed.

It was not stated whether Indians were to be given an opportunity of undertaking similar work. We imagine there must be men in India with better qualifications for such a task than some of the explorers from Europe.

— Our Correspondent