Vigilance yes, panic no
OFFICIAL reaction to the bomb blast in the second city centre in Chandigarh on Wednesday has been along right lines. The police has refused to rush to conclusions, has quietly stepped up vigilance and quickly restored confidence and calm.

Himachal Annual Plan
THE Rs 1600-crore 1999-2000 Annual Plan for Himachal Pradesh approved on Wednesday at a meeting between the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission, Mr K.C. Pant, and the Chief Minister, Mr Prem Kumar Dhumal, in Delhi marks an increase of Rs 160 crore over the previous year.

KARGIL IN PERSPECTIVE
Hometruths and challenges
by Hari Jaisingh
THE Kargil conflict continues to engage the nation's attention, and rightly so. For the people it is a golden chapter of valour, determination and supreme sacrifice of jawans and officers of the Army and the Air Force. But beyond their fighting spirit lies an untold story of certain failures which remain to be pieced together.

Factors behind US school killings
by K.F. Rustamji
THE saddest part of the school killings in America (seven of them in six months) is that nobody has a coherent explanation for this outbreak of crime.

Has Britain deserted Pakistan?
By M.S.N. Menon
HAS John Bull gone through a metamorphosis? Has he had a rebirth? Or is it yet another of his guiles? It is difficult to believe that Britain has deserted Pakistan after five decades. Any yet it seems to have done precisely that. It has asked Pakistan to get out of Kargil.

The curse of Vishwakarma
by Jayanti Roy
TAILORS, masons, electricians, plumbers, mechanics, in short, all indispensable artisans; craftspersons and artists have one thing in common. All of them suffer from the non-delivery disease or postponing syndrome, due to which they are unable to deliver the goods in time and then keep on postponing the date of delivery umpteen number of times. This causes annoyance, inconvenience, and anxiety to the customers as it caused me when my seamstress failed to deliver my new dress after five reminders. I was beyond myself with rage when I could not wear it on the occasion for which I had ordered it.

75 Years Ago

A Premier and India
AT last the Premier has made some sort of a statement regarding India. In the course of his speech at a party conference, he spoke of the serious condition of affairs in India and of the desire of the Labour Party to improve it.

Vigilance yes, panic no

OFFICIAL reaction to the bomb blast in the second city centre in Chandigarh on Wednesday has been along right lines. The police has refused to rush to conclusions, has quietly stepped up vigilance and quickly restored confidence and calm. This is the right response to the outside instigators and local agents of panic-mongers who want to bring the Kargil mood right up to the doorstep of ordinary citizens everywhere. Their resort to RDX or PETN — both pack awesome explosive power — is only to erode the public faith in the law and order institutions and instil fear and mistrust in the mind of all. If public will is weakened and if the credibility of the establishment is dented, the nation’s determination to eject the intruders will suffer a bit and the latter’s task will become a bit more easy. The brutal murder of 12 migrant workers in the Kashmir valley is part of a proposed chain of such bloody incidents. What this means is that intelligence networks and police forces in the entire north should get into high alert; ordinary citizens too can contribute by being a bit more watchful and a bit more involved in the collective safety and security of society.

It is tempting to compare the latest explosion with the two previous ones in the city itself and several in the region. And that temptation should be firmly resisted. The one in Sector 17 and targeted at a high profile police officer came at the height of terrorism days and the motive was to liquidate him and shatter the wobbly police morale. The one that killed Chief Minister Beant Singh was a sort of swan song, a feeble attempt to reverse the advanced process of restoration of normalcy and a crazy attempt to lurch back to the bad old days. The Wednesday blast is in a separate category altogether. It is to proclaim that subversive groups, even if highly depleted and demoralised, do exist and are willing to coordinate their activities with their mentors across the border. Some misguided men in far-off lands will not be opposed to an occasional killer explosion here and another there. They tend to see a moral vindication in mindless murder and purposeless mayhem.

There is a crucial message in the timing and site of the accident. If the device had been triggered a bit later, at the start of the lunch interval or even later as employees head for home at the end of the day, the toll would have been frightful and the sense of fear unbearable. Similarly, a more busy location would have caused a devastation. One explanation is that the perpetrators could be new converts to extremism and could have panicked at the last minute. Or could it be that it was just a wake-up call, a sort of warning with worse things to come? Either way, it is time the police and other agencies stepped up vigil not only in Chandigarh but in the region as a whole. Delhi should be the natural next stop of the terrorism train with Mumbai and some select southern cities to follow in due course. This has been the routine in the past and nothing has happened to radically alter the sequence.

Himachal Annual Plan

THE Rs 1600-crore 1999-2000 Annual Plan for Himachal Pradesh approved on Wednesday at a meeting between the Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission, Mr K.C. Pant, and the Chief Minister, Mr Prem Kumar Dhumal, in Delhi marks an increase of Rs 160 crore over the previous year. But the hike comes to only 10 per cent and will thus be barely able to keep pace with the overall increase in prices. In comparison, last year's Plan size was 43 per cent higher than that of 1997-98. The effect that this niggardly increase will have on the development of the State can be well imagined. In this situation of resource crunch, the State has done well to keep the focus firmly on the social service sector, for which Rs 614 crore has been earmarked. Although the Chief Minister has boldly said that Himachal Pradesh is striving to raise the social development indicators of the State above the national average, it is doubtful if that can be done in the backdrop of allround fund shortage. The other major sectors --- energy, transport and communication and agriculture --- have been allocated more or less the same percentage of the Plan outlay as was done last year. In fact, that has been the trend for the past several years. Perhaps that is inevitable in a situation of financial straitjacket.

There has always been a big gap between what Himachal Pradesh has been seeking from the Centre and what it has been getting. That actually is the bane of all Hill States, which are plagued by similar financial problems. This year also, the Chief Minister has asked for a special package of Rs 300 crore as central assistance comprising Rs 200 crore of untied assistance and Rs 100 crore of additional central assistance specifically tied to various projects. Given the political situation in Delhi, one cannot be very hopeful of clearance coming soon - if at all it comes. At the same time, several other demands of Himachal Pradesh have also been hanging fire. It has been seeking a share in BBMB power projects as stipulated in the Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966, and 12 per cent free power on all hydroelectric projects located in the State irrespective of their date of commissioning. Besides, there is the demand that since Himachal has been diligently preserving the country's forest wealth falling within its boundaries, it should get special compensation in lieu of this self-discipline. But there has been no positive response so far. Under such circumstances, it has no option but to remain in hand-to-mouth existence mode. The only method by which it can take adequate care of public welfare is by drastically cutting down on expenditure. There has been some progress in that direction during the past year but much more remains to be done. Actually, that needs to be the top priority area for Mr Dhumal.

KARGIL IN PERSPECTIVE
Hometruths and challenges

by Hari Jaisingh

THE Kargil conflict continues to engage the nation's attention, and rightly so. For the people it is a golden chapter of valour, determination and supreme sacrifice of jawans and officers of the Army and the Air Force. But beyond their fighting spirit lies an untold story of certain failures which remain to be pieced together. The people have the right to know, if not now then at a later date, of what went wrong where and who are the persons responsible for forcing the country into yet another agonising drill of facing armed intruders from across the border.

Perhaps, a thorough and honest probe will bring to light the full story of obstructionist red-tapism. Perhaps, this is not the time to talk about such matters. At the same time, this cannot be kept out of focus just to suit the convenience of the powers that be.

Those who rule this country in the name of the people must be accountable and be ready to pay for the consequences of their actions and non-actions. This should be the elementary dharma of a democratically elected government. Enough damage has already been done to the country's credibility by "cover-up" operations. Those in position of power conveniently take shelter behind national security and thereby deny the public the right to information. There must not be any secrecy in running national affairs. Strategies and operational matters of security fall in a different category and they have to be protected from prying eyes.

No patriotic Indian would seek operational details of the armed forces in Kargil and beyond. No one would dare question the magnificent role of our officers and jawans in throwing out the intruders. They have given a good account of themselves in the true tradition of the armed forces.

It was, therefore, shockingly ridiculous on the part of the Parliamentary Affairs Minister, Mr P. R. Kumaramangalam, to suggest, in the course of a conversation on a television channel the other day that the government was reluctant to call a Rajya Sabha session because it would not like the armed forces to be criticised in the context of the ongoing Operation Vijay in the Kargil region. That an otherwise sensible person like Mr Kumaramangalam should come out with such a silly excuse is disquieting, to say the least. In a way, this underlines the total bankruptcy of the thinking mechanism of the government.

No political party is interested in talking about real or imaginary failures of our armed forces. In fact, the people bow to the jawans and Army officers in gratitude for upholding the sovereignty, integrity and honour of the nation against heavy odds. They are shedding blood so that all of us may live in peace and freedom. Where does the question of Army failure arise?

Failures, if any, lie elsewhere — with the decision-makers who have been sitting on the explosive information of the intrusion by the Pakistani Army and its collaborators—Lashkar-e-Toiba and other militant outfits—since as far back as February this year. Of course, the nation's attention need not be diverted to this unpleasant fact at this juncture. One day, however, a lot of questions will be raised on this count and a number of people will have to pay a heavy price for having messed up the country's vital interests for their narrow political objectives. Let us not hoodwink the people. We expect the authorities to be more honest and forthwith in putting things in right perspective.

The calculations of a handful of persons about Pakistan went haywire simply because they could not properly appreciate the mind of the Pakistani establishment. They even could not learn from the bloody history of relations with our unpredictable neighbour.

Peace is surely the only desirable course for the two countries to pursue. But it takes two countries to build ties of mutual trust. The basic goal of friendship and long-lasting peace has to be pursued vigorously. But peace cannot be generated through a process of appeasement. Nor can it be ensured by ignoring the harsh ground realities.

We would very much like Pakistan to have a genuine dialogue for peace and friendship with this country. But for this, it will have to give up its subversive activity and stop exporting militancy across the border. What is equally vital is that it must give up its old obsession with Kashmir. Practical solutions can be found, provided there is will on the part of Islamabad to mend fences with New Delhi. Is Mr Nawaz Sharif ready for this, notwithstanding the secret shuttle service of the former Pakistani Foreign Minister, Mr Niaz Naik, and an unofficial Indian mediator?

The options before India are clear. First, it has to throw out the intruders—both Afghan mercenaries and Pakistan army regulars —from our side of the Line of Control (LoC). This is the primary task that must be performed with guts, determination and speed.

Second, India has to seriously look beyond Kargil and Dras and shift the focus on to the vital question of future security of Jammu and Kashmir. A long-term strategy must be evolved so as to neutralise Pakistan's nuisance value. If we are able to achieve this through peaceful diplomatic means, then nothing like that. But diplomatic channels cannot work in isolation. At present we exercise considerable restraint to the satisfaction of the Western nations. But, the moot point is: does this serve Indian interests? A counter-strategy will at least call for exercising our right of "hot pursuit" and smashing the supply line to the Pakistani aggressors across the LoC. Are we willing to do that? Perhaps we can learn a few elementary points from the American strategy in such situations

Third, equally critical is the question of "safe passage" for the intruders. The Lanpher mission mainly revolves round this. Defence Minister George Fernandes talked about it prematurely. The less said about him the better. For, he provides the secular mask to Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee's government. However, the basic question is: are we ready to respond? The mood within the military set-up is to teach them ( the intruders) a lesson once and for all. This perspective is shared by the people at large.

Fourth, it needs to be appreciated that the road to Delhi, nay, to the subcontinent lies through Washington. It is, therefore, in India's interest to have a better communication and response system with the US Administration. True, Washington in the past had invariably shown a tilt towards Islamabad. But it needs to be kept in mind that there are no permanent tilts in international diplomacy. Friendship changes, so do priorities in this business of tilts.

Perhaps, the relationship between Washington and Beijing should teach us a few lessons on how to successfully deal with the USA. The Americans understand the language of business; and after China, India is the second largest global market. The policy-framers in South Block, I am sure, understand this more than anyone else. They ought to cash in on the new mood in the White House and consolidate Indo-US relations in the interest of peace and stability in this region.

President Bill Clinton is equally concerned about the spreading tentacles of terrorism and Islamic fundamentalism in this part of the world. He wants peace and stability in South Asia. So does the Government in New Delhi. More understanding and a better communication and response system can make a qualitative difference in reorienting the American policy towards this country. This is a big challenge. Our diplomats are capable of achieving these goals, provided the government is clear about its objectives and targets.

Fifth, what is true of the USA is true of the western world as well. Even the Muslim nations can be made to see reason provided we play our cards imaginatively.

Sixth, the USA apart, the real test for Indian diplomacy lies in Beijing. China has been a traditional supporter of Pakistan. Islamabad has acquired nuclear and other destructive weapons with the help of Beijing. In this context, Mr Jaswant Singh's mission to Beijing was surely laudatory. But extra efforts are needed to neutralise the China factor in Indo-Pak relations.

How we can achieve this is a matter of detail. I have hammered at certain hometruths and challenges ahead so as to put the Kargil situation in right perspective.

The challenge is formidable. And we can face it successfully provided we rise above petty calculations and ad hoc thinking. Equally significant is the need for an honest appraisal and sharing of facts with the people. Healthy and honest criticism should always be welcomed. The authorities in New Delhi should not be afraid of a debate by cooking up excuses under the pretext of security.

The Army and the IAF are discharging their duty and obligation to the nation splendidly. It is the faceless authorities in the corridors of power who have to do a lot of explaining. No one would grudge if they happen to enjoy some grace period now. But they are under close watch for their ability to take the right decision at this critical hour in the nation's life.

Factors behind US school killings
by K.F. Rustamji

THE saddest part of the school killings in America (seven of them in six months) is that nobody has a coherent explanation for this outbreak of crime. Most people say it is owing to frustrations. What are the new ones that have appeared in student life that have become so compulsive that they make children steal guns and shoot their own teachers and playmates?

They say they are depressed and disturbed. What is it that causes such terrible depression in a boy 14 to 16 years in age, that makes them want to make a spectacular display of fire-power and end their life? Is it due to drugs? There is no confirmation of it.

Some people blame video games, because they cannot blame television violence, which has been with us for years, and may have some effect on crime, but not so much on student crime. Those who blame security fail to see that this type of crime may pass through the best security.

When they fail to find adequate reasons they zero in on culture — the broken homes, the talk that children hear everyday about sex, violence and insecurity, and all the difficulties of life. None of this is convincing. There were far more difficult times during the depression and during the wars, but nobody lost his head and went out targeting children. All through the years there have been divorces and separations, and children have been angry with parents for not thinking about them, and you had serial killers and sex friends, but nothing like the youth violence of today.

Is it due to the breakdown of family discipline, the soft touch in the school instead of the cane, and sympathy extended to young offenders by the law? Young offenders, not being treated like adults, commit far worse crimes than the latter do.

The least convincing reason for child crime is that the staccato beat of pop music drives people out of their minds. If that were so you would see father and mother out on the rampage because of loud music. It is true, however, that they feel like murder.

When all explanations fail they fall back on the large number of guns, their easy availability, the careless ways in which they store them, and the justifications that they have to give for keeping them; which turns into an onslaught on new emigrants, blacks, outsiders, “those that take away our jobs”, even the politicians who only talk and do nothing. What they fail to mention is that the guns have always been there, but in the past children have not used them in massacres. However, it is also worth mentioning, that recent changes in the law make it legal for a 12-year-old to use a rifle while hunting in Ontario, Canada. In this same province, a child is not considered mature enough to drive a car until 16, or to drink until the age of 18!

Those who think that taunts and jokes about sexuality may have angered them, seem to forget that they have always been there and have not caused a rash of murders in schools. It is possible that these school killings which occurred about the time of the NATO bombings of Yugoslavia were a reflection of a nation’s pride and belief in their sense of power and justice. Or is it a certain type of nihilism —there is no God to answer to, no law to be afraid of, and just no reason for living?

There is in some sections of Western society a pernicious feeling against the child. June Callwood of Canada calls it “the anti-child structure of society.” Childless couples are not only increasing, they revel in what was considered an affliction in the past. Robert Fulford says, “All across Western civilisation... something unprecedented has happened. Many more people than ever before have decided that children are more trouble than they are worth. As a result, the industrialised countries are heading towards population decline.”

A new type of pathology of family life is emerging. Children are quick to sense the absence of love or caring because of father-mother jobs, and it could be the cause of hatred of schools, just as parents turn it against their peers if there is unrest at home.

What will be the result in our over-populated part of the world if the anti-child feeling appears in any form? Perhaps it is already there amongst the affluent and amongst the poorest. We ought to be prepared for it. The one single factor which is common to all killings in America is that at each place they never expected that such horrible crimes would occur in the school that their “own kids” went to.

The curse of Vishwakarma
by Jayanti Roy

TAILORS, masons, electricians, plumbers, mechanics, in short, all indispensable artisans; craftspersons and artists have one thing in common. All of them suffer from the non-delivery disease or postponing syndrome, due to which they are unable to deliver the goods in time and then keep on postponing the date of delivery umpteen number of times. This causes annoyance, inconvenience, and anxiety to the customers as it caused me when my seamstress failed to deliver my new dress after five reminders. I was beyond myself with rage when I could not wear it on the occasion for which I had ordered it.

My spouse, an artist himself, tried to pacify me. Pleading on behalf of the seamstress he said: “She has not done it voluntarily, you know. It is all due to the curse of Vishwakarma. Let me tell you about it.”

“Lord Shiva was to get married and new dresses and jewellery etc had to be prepared for him as well as his marriage party comprising his almost naked ‘Ganas’. Not only this, Mount Kailash was also to be decorated to welcome the bride, ‘Gauri’. For this Lord Shiva visited Vishwakarma — the artisan God, the lord of all arts. Vishwakarma was sitting leisurely amidst his various half-created works. He readily agreed to the commission and promised to deliver the goods within two days. After two days a junior was sent to enquire about the work but Vishwakarma had not even touched them by then. This went on for many times. Everytime the god promised speedy and postponed the date. Ultimately the day of the marriage arrived but the new dresses were yet to be stitched. Lord Shiva was furious. After all, it was a matter of his honour. How could he go to the bride’s house without getting properly dressed and made up. He went to Vishwakarma and demanded his explanation. At this Vishwakarma smiled and said: ‘O Lord! Why do you lose temper on such a trifle matter? I know how much time I need to finish the work’. Saying he started with the work and within an hour everything was fit and ready.

Nevertheless, Lord Shiva could not forget the anxiety and inconvenience Vishwakarma had caused him. A curse burst out of his lips, ‘O conceited fellow! You are over-confident about your power. Henceforth, you and your artisans, however, efficient they might be, will never be able to finish any work within the deadline. And from that day onwards all artists and artisans, find it hard to keep their promise of delivery.”

Nice story, excellent explanation. This also explains why my spouse is unable to finish his projects in time, as well.

Has Britain deserted Pakistan?
By M.S.N. Menon

HAS John Bull gone through a metamorphosis? Has he had a rebirth? Or is it yet another of his guiles?

It is difficult to believe that Britain has deserted Pakistan after five decades. Any yet it seems to have done precisely that. It has asked Pakistan to get out of Kargil.

How is one to explain this transformation? My first hunch was: it was on Uncle Sam’s orders. Such a conclusion is not far-fetched, for Britain has been a dog’s tail all these years, wagging to every whim of Uncle Sam.

But, then, the G-8 too has spoken against Pakistan. It too have asked Pakistan to withdraw from Kargil.

Will Pakistan obey? Will it call off the mis-adventure? Only time will tell, for there is a logic in Pakistan’s raison d’etre — that it must keep up the animus against India for its own survival.

But this was not the only reason for the military psychosis of Pakistan. There were other reasons, too, above all, the political and military support of Britain and America. Had it not been for this, Pakistan would have been a wet cat.

But that was not to be. Both Britain and America gave life and leverage to the two-nation theory by their blind support to Pakistan. While Britain, like an evil genie, sustained the morale of Pakistan, America provided it the wherewithal.

Pakistan was a British creation. Britain had two objectives: 1) to spite India for having brought about the demise of the British empire and 2) to checkmate India. Britain tried its best to hobble India at the very outset by granting independence to the 500-odd princely states of India. This provision was even incorporated in the Indian Independence Act of 1947 under Jinnah’s persuasion. Britain and Jinnah had a common objective. The idea was: by granting independence to the princely states, India would be reduced to a dwarf state, surrounded by a brood of lawless princelings. This conspiracy was foiled by Sardar Patel. The point I want to make is this: Britain never wanted the Indian state to succeed, whereas it did everything possible to make Pakistan a success.

Britain wanted Jammu and Kashmir to go to Pakistan. To Mountbatten, it was a matter of giving logistic “depth” to the new country. But there were other reasons too. For example, the geo-political considerations of the Anglo-Americans. No effort was spared. But they failed in all their objectives.

Be that as it may, both America and Britain kept up the crisis in South Asia all these years. No doubt at incalculable cost to India and Pakistan. They say: it served the West’s cold war interests. It nearly ruined India and Pakistan.

One had hoped that with the end of cold war, Britain and America would change their South Asia strategy. But no, they made it worse for India. The very accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India was questioned by that woman in the US State Department. And even President Clinton made his contribution to make matters worse. It was this bitter animus of the Anglo-Americans against India which encouraged the intransigence of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, not to speak of the Pak generals. Bhutto admitted recently that her Kashmir policy was wrong. Then how much worse must be the policy of Britain and America?

The present Kargil crisis can be traced directly to the encouragement of Pakistan by Britain and America. And, of course, the success of Pakistan’s nuclear policy was equally contributive. It has gone into Pakistan’s head.

The British media — you might call it the gutter media — gave full support to these official policies and ran its own misinformation campaigns against India — all done in the name of “press freedom”. Writing on Kargil, the BBC correspondent in India says that it is India which wants war, not Pakistan. Pakistan wants peace, we are told. We have not forgotten that in 1965 Prime Minister Wilson called India the aggressor in the 1965 war.

Now British and America have assumed the role of peacemakers. After encouraging conflict for fifty years! Is it hypocrisy? Is there a hidden motive? Or, is this a change of heart. We will soon know.

The English, of course, have an over-rated view of their importance — that they were on a civilising mission in Asia and Africa. No such noble objective inspired even the best among them. But the British are not willing to admit the damage they inflicted on the world.

But history has a way to humble the proudest nations. America grew into prominence on the labour of the African slaves. Today the children of those slaves threaten to outnumber the whites. And the whites are in a real panic. They can neither drive out the blacks from America nor can they agree to live in a “negro” country.

As for Britain, its future is even worse. It caused the division of India without a care for the mischief it set afoot. This cannot go without punishment. Today, the British are themselves facing the division of their country. The Scots and the Welsh and asking for independence. They have no faith in the justice and fairplay of the English people.

The Scottish National Party, which has been campaigning for independence, got 35 seats of the 129 in the recent Scottish election to the national assembly. That is, one out of three is already for independence. The Welsh are close behind. The Tories are wiped out in both Scotland and Wales.

“The Tories (the empire party) are vanishing before our eyes,” says the Guardian. Perhaps the Tories thought that they and the empire would last for ever. Such are the miscalculations of men. Perhaps, there will be only one party now — the Labour Party. But it will have to share power with the Asians and Africans. And a stage may soon come when the English will prefer to migrate to Australia and Canada!

Tony Blair is trying hard to stop the inevitable by suggesting a federation of England, Scotland and Wales. Alas, it is past such promises!

For more than two centuries, the West had total dominance over the world. It could have shaped a better world. What has the whiteman achieved? He has merely multiplied human sufferings. The world is out of control and it is largely mad. Life has become meaningless to most of us. Men live in fear. Crime is creeping in everywhere.

It is time Uncle Sam and John Bull gave some serious thought to their role in history. It is time they wound up their role as caretakers of the world.

It is said that India and Britain have special relations. In what way? There are no sentimental attachments. A common language has not brought them any nearer. And there are no new bonds either. For example, economic bonds. British investment in India is a mere pittance compared to its investment in the USA or China. In 1995 British investment in China was 50 times more than in India. Even in Hong Kong, British investment was 20 times that in India.

But the Labour Party has been behaving as if India is still beholden to the UK. One Fatchett believes that UN resolutions on Kashmir are still valid! The Labour Party still thinks that it has a responsibility to solve the Kashmir problem. Labour MPs continue to speak for Pakistan. This was what provoked I.K. Gujral to call Britain a “third-rate power”.

But we need not worry. The Scots and Welsh make no claims on imperial glories. This is the exclusive claim of the English. But we have seen what is in store for the English. Such are the twist and turns of history. Perhaps John Bull never suspected these dangers when he set out on his empire enterprise. Empire builders have always come to grief. Rome came to be ruled by the slaves! Can it be that a similar fate is awaiting Britain and America!

75 YEARS AGO

A Premier and India

AT last the Premier has made some sort of a statement regarding India. In the course of his speech at a party conference, he spoke of the serious condition of affairs in India and of the desire of the Labour Party to improve it.

He made it perfectly clear that dominion status for India was the idea and ideal of the Labour Government.

This was good as far as it went.

But when the Premier went on to appeal to the people of India to do their bit for British democracy by keeping their faith in a British Labour Government, he clearly forgot that for years the Labour Party had been the only British party in which India had faith, and if today a change was visible, it was to no small extent Labour’s own fault.

On the only practical issue before the Government, Mr MacDonald was unhappily just as indefinite as Lord Olivier had been in his famous speech in the Lords and Mr Richards in his recent speech in the Commons.