Mood for Peace
By Gobind Thukral

THE strong yearning for peace is all pervasive in this land of unending insurgency. This feeling has been expressed in various ways by the peace-loving and carefree Naga men and women through their dance and culture, by those who toil hard in the denuded forests that have been eaten away by the all powerful mafia of politicians, officials and smugglers, and by the poverty-stricken people, who are a mute witness to this plunder.

It seems that the mist-clad mountains, the lush green valleys and the magical towering peaks — all pray for peace and wish to silence the guns. But then the peace is not acceptable without justice.

In these 50 years, new political realities have been demonstrated. New administrative units came up and Naga hills became Nagaland, the 16th state of India in 1963. The Lushai hills are now called Mizoram, and what was popularly called during all these decades as Nefa—North Eastern Frontier Agency — is now the land of the rising sun, Arunachal Pradesh. At the social, economic and political level, too, there have been numerous changes.

Fifty years is a long period for any community, howsoever tough and battle-hardened it might be. In fact no part of India has witnessed such a long protracted armed struggle that has earned the dubious distinction of being the mother of insurgencies in the North-East. It was just Nagaland in the fifties and sixties. And now it is the entire North-East— from Assam and Arunachal Pradesh to Meghalaya, Manipur, Tripura and Mizoram.

All the seven sister-states have seen blood flowing in their streams. "There is not a single house in this vast and beautiful land which has not suffered pain and agony of losing their loved ones," says Ms Neidonmo Angami, president of Naga Mothers’ Association. She has been in the forefront fighting for peace and justice.

But peace has always eluded this state. Right from June, 1947, when the Nagas signed up with the then British-appointed Assam Governor, Sir Akbar Hydari, the guns have never been silent. India, while trying hard to negotiate for peace, has demonstrated its military might with equal vehemence. There were spells of peace and some semblance of normalcy in this 16,500 square km hill state of beautiful damsels and strong men.

If one faction of this deeply divided Naga tribal society signed for peace, there were others to oppose it. The result? Some peace for a few years, and then again bloodshed.

Nothing demonstrates the stark reality better than the first day’s experience this reporter had in Nagaland. The moment I landed at the Dimapur airport, the "contact" was there. Within a minute, I was in a Gypsy alone, driven by a lean 32-year-old driver. When I wished to know about him, he replied that he was from the underground Naga army. "I am Mhonlumo and I am a Naga operation commander. I am taking you to two of our leaders. Be comfortable as I have to cover 32 km of the rugged pot-holed road in just as many minutes, or you would miss them," he said in English. On the way, he quickly brought two bottles of soft drinks and said that drinking water was a problem in that hideout.

On the way he drove fast on the zig-zag hill road, avoiding boulders. The denuded forests told their own sad tale, I was later told by the Governor, O.P. Sharma, in Kohima that this area used to be a dense rain-fed forest and has just disappeared, courtesy the forest mafia. We were stopped at a Naga army checkpost. Fierce-looking young Naga boys were armed with American M-16 rifles and all in army fatigues. Once they were satisfied, they let us go. Close to Neuland, venue of the meeting, there was another checkpost. A decorated gate, like the ones we have in plenty when leaders come, had a banner saying ‘Peoples Government of Nagaland welcomes the delegates.’ Those fierce-looking armed-to-the-teeth young men asked us to get down and show our identity cards. All Indian Army style. They were video-recording the visit and even had still cameras. Two armed young women in army fatigues came forward, and after some questions, they gave a signed card with the word ‘pressmen’ marked on it. "Now you can move freely, but take care," Mhonlumo said with a naughty twinkle in his eyes.

And then there was a battery of photographers and journalists from Guwahati, Dimapur and Calcutta to record the first-ever press conference by the most powerful underground leaders, Isak and Muivah, on Indian soil. They reached a quickly raised community hall surrounded by armed young men and women. They guarded them from all sides, keeping a watch at each press person. It was a strict half-an-hour affair. Once the questions became inconvenient, the "information minister" closed the conference. And then, after another short meeting, I was driven back with the same speed from the area of "the people’s republic." Here two writs run. One of the Indian Army and the other of the Naga army. Both now cooperate to keep the ceasefire in tact.

Even a temporary ceasefire is all but appreciated despite fratricidal killings and large-scale extortions that ultimately affect the Naga people’s struggle for peace and justice.

While people look to future talks and pray for some positive results, the negotiators’ having taken straight positions, may face a tough task. The road to peace for a state that has burnt since Independence is, indeed, thorny. Many solutions are being thrown up. It is said that all talk about sovereignty is for public consumption, and the rebels with their nose to the ground have realised that different factions cannot be united, and the tired people want peace. Hence some solutions within the framework of the Indian Constitution have to be found. A poor "nation", some 16,500 km, and surrounded by India, China and Myanmar, could hardly survive as a separate political entity. It could become a plaything in the hands of the powerful neighbours. Land-locked as it is, its geo-political existence could be impossible.

Ask the common people. While singing the sovereignty song they actually want the government to build roads, raise schools, set up health centres and improve farms and orchards. And above all provide jobs. So would a "greater Nagaland," that would include Naga tribal areas from the neighbouring states, be a possible solution? Vajpayee has ruled it out. Assam, Arunachal and Manipur would not give an inch of their land. But still it could be achieved for the sake of durable peace. But would it satisfy the NSCN(IM) leadership? They have seen that other groups like the Naga National Council, the Naga Hoho, the Kahplang group of the NSCN, V.K. Nuh of the Churches Association, Human Rights groups and some NGOs would not support them. And if they fail in their bid for peace, they could lose some vital support base. Already, extortions and tax collection in the name of running the "People’s Government of Nagaland" has deprived them of the much needed oxygen required to keep up the people’s support. Some observers feel that the NSCN(IM) would go for the best of the bargain. The mood is for peace and unity.

Meanwhile, a visit to Zapu Phizo’s village, Khonoma, symbolises the long Naga struggle and also brings for- ward certain issues very clearly.

Khonoma is strategically located with a good source of water and food of its own. It is perched in such a fashion that anyone approaching is visible from far. Here myth, legend and history make a deadly mix to inspire a guerrilla warfare. It is not like the upcoming messy trade centre like Dimapur. It retains its own culture despite exposure to the outside world. Settled agriculture gave the tribes here much superiority over other tribes in the neighbourhood. But its placid hills hide a lot of anger.

Here in Khonoma you could listen to the demands for better life, jobs and good governance. Though peace has been a distant dream, it figured in each sentence throughout the long conversations. The village has a cemetery where lie heroes who laid down their lives for the cause of independence. Here two major battles had raged — one with the British when they came to occupy the fiercely independent Naga people, and the second time with Indian armed forces. Both the battles were lost. But the seeds for independence were sown more deep. Most villagers summed up the mood by quoting Phizo on the issue. For years he remained in exile and could come only in a coffin. He had died in London and was buried with great honours in Kohima. His village is now a place of pilgrimage.

Is the demand for a sovereign Nagaland strong enough? Does it have deep roots? The Congress in October, 1997, passed a formal resolution saying, "......We recognise the struggle for a sovereign and independent Nagaland’s creations, and the issue remains unresolved". Was it political opportunism, or sheer lip sympathy, or recognition of a hard political reality?

Mehhubba Vero, the two- term Rajya Sabha member in the sixties who now leads the Naga Hoho, an apex body of the Naga people, feels that not only sovereignty, but a lot of other issues are also there. Where is the justification for extortions and forcible collection of taxes? Also Naga unity is the foremost condition for any solid solution. The NSCN (IM) alone cannot solve the problem. Similar views are held by Chief Minister S.C. Jamir. "We are for the unity of all Nagas and wish to have an honourable peace. It could not be the monopoly of these gentlemen only", he said.

Rev. V.K. Nuh said, "What are these talks? We wish to know, and I raised this question with both the leaders, Isak and Muivah. But there was no firm reply. Issues have got mangled and we need the support of all to untie the knots". The purpose of this conference was to unite the beleaguered Naga units. But the NSCN (IM) opposed it. Peace has eluded this vibrant land for decades except in small dozes, and now a whole new generation has come up bent upon dehumanising Naga culture.

In 1960s and 1970s many ceasefires were announced and violated with equal fury. Political leadership on either side failed to come to the grips of the situation. At times the prime ministers were directly in charge of the Naga affairs. Yet a permanent settlement failed to come up. Foreign powers like Pakistan and China, too, played dirty.

There have been a series of endless talks. Take the recent effort. Since 1995 the NSCN(IM) leaders have met four prime ministers—P.V. Narasimha Rao, H.D. Deve Gowda, I.K. Gujral and now Atal Behari Vajpayee. Haryana’s Rajya Sabha member Swaraj Kaushal, a special envoy for the successive prime ministers exudes confidence and optimism. "Ceasefire has certainly helped and we are now discussing substantive issues," he said in Delhi, but the catch was that any solution to the age-old Naga problem has to be within the framework of the Indian Constitution. This is wholly unacceptable to the NSCN (IM) leaders. Then where is the meeting ground and what is the agenda? "I told the two leaders that short of sovereignty, we can discuss anything," he summed up.

In fact, Swo himself told the delegates: "It is time for negotiations and not for confrontation. It is time for peace, and not for war". It, indeed, kindles hopes and sustains life in the rugged mountains where two parallel battles continue to rage.

The NSCN(IM) leaders have already ruled out a Bhutan type of arrangement for Nagaland. Nagalim, greater Nagaland, could be achieved only through negotiations.But it looks to be a distant dream. It would require long durable peace before the neighbouring states concedes their areas where Naga tribes live. Would then an autonomous Nagaland be acceptable? The Centre could retain just foreign affairs, defence and currency and leave the rest to Nagaland. But can it be sustained? The state’s yearly budget of Rs 1,000 crore has Rs 800 crore from the Centre’s kitty. In a population of less than 16 lakh, there are one lakh government employees. Out of six eligible Nagas, one has a government job. It is one of the most corrupt states with lottery alone accounting for the embezzlement of Rs 15,000 crore by now. So how would Isak and Muivah survive?

The Naga leadership asserts that Nagaland could survive with its rich mineral resources and forest products. Also, the manpower is superior.

Geoffrey, Editor of Nagaland Post, who has a ringside view of the whole situation, feels that unity of Naga tribes is all as elusive as ever. There are extortions and the state is economically backward. "The leaders must sort out the issues and hold meaningful talks as the people are tired of violence," he said.

But all in all, a sovereign Nagaland looks to be a distant dream.