P A G E
Monday, July 12, 1999
today's calendar
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E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
Monday, July 12, 1999 |
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Politicising
sacrifice
DEMOCRACY
& DICTATORSHIP
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Maimed
bravehearts deserve better deal
Kargil
collection drives pick up
Chandigarh
loses out!
Alleged
attacks by police |
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Politicising sacrifice EVER since the joint Army-Air Force action was launched in Kargil for flushing out the Pakistani intruders everyone in the caretaker government has taken turns (some have even spoken out of turn) to remind the nation of the importance of not politicising the issue at this critical juncture as it would “affect the morale of our brave jawans”. Yet the Bharatiya Janata Party seems to have jumped the gun in the matter of taking credit for the success of the operation although there is still no official word on the cessation of hostilities between the two countries. How else does one explain the claim made by BJP President Kushabhau Thakre at a public meeting that “we” have succeeded in “our” mission in Kargil ? It is not the first time that the unwritten code of silence, willingly accepted by all the major political parties, on the Kargil issue for the duration of “Operation Vijay” has been breached by the ruling alliance. The reference to the possibility of the Lok Sabha election being postponed because of the Kargil crisis too was meant to test the response of the nation. It is unfortunate that tomorrow’s issues are being raised today even before the fighting has stopped. However, there are some questions which cannot be postponed until “tomorrow” because they have come from the families of the soldiers killed in action in the Dras-Kargil-Batalik sectors. The family of Capt Anuj Nayyar, who was killed in the action in Kargil, has raised questions which no sensitive individual would be able to answer. It has nothing but contempt for the entire political class which was reflected in the decision not to allow entry to former BJP Chief Ministers of Delhi, Ms Sushma Swaraj and Mr Madan Lal Khurana, when they turned up at the Nayyar residence to pay their condolences. “They want to politicise even the death of our jawans and officers”, was the reaction of a relative of the hero of Kargil. A phone call from the
Chief Minister’s office enquiring whether the body
had arrived “because madam wants to pay her
condolences” would have made anyone who has just
received the news of the death of his or her eldest son
seethe with rage. “Can condolences not be paid
without the body being there? Is it because TV cameras
will come only when Anuj’s body arrives?” One
question which would most certainly have been asked by
the entire Opposition tomorrow has been asked by the
Nayyars, on behalf of the families of the Kargil heroes,
— who is responsible for the creation of the
war-like situation in the country? However, it would be a
monumental mistake for the non-BJP political parties to
draw comfort today and hope to gain electoral mileage
tomorrow from the issues raised by the Nayyars. Yes,
Anuj’s mother has been quoted as having said:
“Please tell the government from all mothers that we
do not want the martyr status (for our sons killed in
Kargil) and publicity. We want those who are responsible
for bringing the intruders into the country to be
punished”. But they would also like to know the
reason why politicians do not send their sons to the Army
“for doing what our children are doing for the
country”. How many politicians can answer this
question on the condition that they may be subjected to a
lie-detector test if they claim that their children too
have either fought for the country or are involved in the
on-going action in Kargil? The politician who is able to
pass this ultimate test of patriotism may also be the one
to repudiate on oath the charge that his “children
are going to England and the USA” (instead of going
to Kargil). |
Goodbye to gold GOLD is fast losing its lustre. It has shed much of its value during the past few years. In 1996 it was available at $400 per ounce, but now one can buy any quantity of it at $294 per ounce. This is the situation at the global level. India obviously cannot remain unaffected, so closely intelinked the world's markets are today. India being the world's number one consumer of the yellow metal, its homes together have tonnes of gold stocked in some corner. Among the villagers and the middle class people it is still considered the greatest saviour in times of a financial crisis. When people buy gold ornaments at the time of the marriage of their daughters they have this factor uppermost in their mind. They are going to be the major losers if the gold crisis persists, and it will, going by the indications available from the world's major capitals. Though the precious metal has continued to be in trouble ever since President Nixon of the USA delinked the dollar from the gold standard in 1971, its value declined to a 20-year low when the Bank of England sold off 25 tonnes of gold on July 8, as per a plan announced in May. The UK has a reserve of 715 million tonnes of gold with its central bank, and in the coming few years it has decided to replace at least 415 million tonnes with foreign currency assets (the dollar, the euro and the yen), with a view to ensuring greater return on its reserves. And the UK is not the only source from where the supply of the yellow metal will far exceed its demand, which is already dwindling. The IMF will soon be in the market with 10 per cent of its gold reserves worth $30 billion to raise funds for its scheme to help the heavily-indebted poor countries (HIPCs). The criticism of the World Gold Council that the IMF's action will further impoverish the HIPCs has failed to move the economic strategists at the world's largest financial institution. Switzerland, which has a big gold holding acquired as a result of a deal with Germany (Hitler used to stock his gold plundered from the countries defeated by his army in Switzerland, a neutral nation), has delinked its currency from the precious metal and announced an offloading plan. Australia, Canada and Argentina too have come out with schemes to reduce their gold holdings, sending shivers down the spine of the Gold Council. Most Western nations are in the process of reducing their gold reserves because of the failure of the once most-sought-after metal to generate any income at all. The trend seems to be irreversible. The central bank of the European Union — European Central Bank — has decided to hold just 15 per cent of its reserves in the form of gold. The world community has almost lost its faith in this all-weather financial friend once upon a time. It has refused to respond to the cries of South Africa, the biggest producer of gold, where thousands of miners are going to lose their jobs. Countries of sub-Saharan Africa depend considerably on their gold exports. For some of them gold comprises as much as 37 per cent of their exports. The sharp drop in gold prices will rob them of much of their foreign exchange earnings. But who bothers about the poverty-stricken? Though India's situation
is slightly different because of the people's unending
appetite for gold, the government will have to float some
innovative scheme to stabilise its prices. The Gold
Deposit Scheme announced as part of the Vajpayee
government's budget is unattractive as it offers very
little gain to a person who approaches a bank with his
gold ornaments. There is another major flaw in the
scheme. On maturity, a depositor will not get back
his/her ornaments but gold coins or biscuits of the same
value and the conversion cost will have to be borne by
him/her. This is indicative of both bad economics and bad
politics. People need a better option. |
DEMOCRACY & DICTATORSHIP GEOGRAPHICALLY, as well as historically, Pakistan is a part of South Asia. Since 1947 when the subcontinent was partitioned, a systematic attempt has been made to shift this undeniable location in South Asia to West Asia (the Middle East) for reasons which may be broadly defined as ideological in character. Some people felt that if Pakistan had to be consolidated and even properly defined, its Islamic roots must be strengthened, even accentuated. This course of development was fortified by two unrelated developments; one of them was internal and the other was external. Externally speaking, since the end of World War II West Asia had been passing through a peculiar phase of development. While fundamentalism had always existed in one form or another, it had not assumed a political shape or dimension. This started happening with the onset of the Cold War. In order to score points over each other, the erstwhile USSR did not hesitate to support fundamentalism if it suited its overall design. As to the USA, it had never been squeamish about the political complexion of any regime as long as the effort to contain the former USSR was strengthened. In this game of one-upmanship, Pakistan chose to be an aggressive participant. Corresponding to this were a series of internal developments in Pakistan. Within a decade of the establishment of Pakistan, a military dictatorship, assisted by the bureaucracy, had taken over. Linking up with the USA suited everyone in Pakistan. While Islamisation was promoted as a part of the self-definition of the new country by Ayub Khan, the real job of consolidation was done in the next round of military dictatorship which coincided with the decade-long span of President Zia’s tenure. Throughout these decades, fundamentalism was growing apace. The Russian attack on Afghanistan gave the phenomenon a tremendous boost and this in turn led to the emergence and growth of the Taliban in the area bordering Afghanistan and the eventual takeover of that country by a band of fundamentalists. To say no more on the subject, for the past half a decade two tendencies have been contending for supremacy in Pakistan. In political terms, it was a battle between democracy and dictatorship. In sociological terms, fundamentalism became the dividing line between those who stood for the status quo and those who wanted change. When it came to confrontation with India, almost all sections of the populations were united and, as of today, Kargil has become the symbol of that long-continuing contention between the two ideological positions. The current happenings in J&K have to be seen in this background. In other words, both the February, 1999, initiative by Mr Nawaz Sharif and India’s response to it, and the attack on Kargil represent the above mentioned two conflicting strands in Pakistan polity which have been at work for half a century. The situation has oscillated from one position to another. If some people are puzzled over the fact that, parallel to the bus initiative, preparations were going on for creating a situation on the Kargil front, they do not have to feel all that puzzled. Why should it be forgotten that Mr Nawaz Sharif embodies in his own thinking and personality both these trends? It is an accident of political life that the move to enforce the Shariat law has not yet been passed by both Houses of the Pakistani parliament. The move was initiated by Mr Nawaz Sharif in all seriousness. Indeed, he was disappointed that the Senate, because of a hostile majority, did not go with him. At the same time, he is somebody who would like peace with India and has been talking in that vein since he took over this time as Prime Minister. As far as the fighting in J&K is concerned, all indications point to the fact that soon the outsiders will be thrown out and the territory will be recaptured. The stand taken by the international community is a positive factor in India’s favour and against the kind of planning done by the military leadership in Pakistan. Over the years, the Pakistan military establishment has developed vested interests in continuing with the policy of confrontation. Some of the recent political moves worked in the opposite direction and, if one may venture to say so, the attack in Kargil represents perhaps the last attempt, or almost the last one, by the military leadership in Pakistan to assert itself. To return to the starting point, if the Pakistan attempt does not succeed which seems likely, the issue may lead to widespread political convulsions in that country. Sensitive as most politicians are to the public sentiment, Mr Nawaz Sharif’s attempt to initiate the peace process with India was in recognition of what was happening on the ground. It is not without significance that, despite the fighting that has been going on in the Kargil area, the bus between Lahore and Delhi has continued to ply from one country to the other. There would be nothing improper in saying, therefore, that Mr Nawaz Sharif supported both initiatives: the initiative to make peace with India as also the fighting in J&K. If a politician in Pakistan has to survive in office, having this dual approach is in tune with the two parallel currents of thought. Paradoxical as it may sound though, the plain fact is that Mr Nawaz Sharif possibly blessed both moves. Now that the contradictions are coming to the fore and the Kargil adventure might come a cropper, it can lead to political changes within that country. One cannot speculate too precisely as to what will happen. This much, however, should be definite that Mr Nawaz Sharif will not be able to survive in office very long. If the fighting in Kargil, as seems apparent, does not go in Pakistan’s favour, there is bound to be acute political discontent. The Pakistan People’s Party, which at one time was fairly strong, appears to be passing through a phase of severe disintegration. Its leader, Ms Benazir Bhutto, is virtually on the run and she may not be able to bounce back. But that is not enough reason to come in the way of some other parallel developments taking place within the Pakistan Muslim League, which today is led by Mr Nawaz Sharif. The only thing that one can say with some certainty is that within the next year or so Pakistan will have a new political leader. The basic issue before this new leadership will be whether to follow the path of fundamentalism which in turn will lead to the Talibanisation of Pakistan, or follow the path of peace with India, greater democracy within Pakistan and a gradual weaning away from the patently forced linkage with West Asia. The Middle East too has been passing through a very uncertain phase. The rise of Iran, a Shia power, complicated the situation somewhat and it cannot be said that the situation has got clarified. Indeed, it continues to be confused. Without going as far as to talk of a clash of civilisations, this much can be said without any fear of contradiction that during the next half a century, international Islam will more or less cease to be what it is today. If any changes take place, and they seem to be more or less inevitable, these would be in the direction of the decline of fundamentalism rather than its further growth or consolidation. In this connection, the situation within Pakistan is bound to play a decisive role. The continuing confrontation with India is imposing an intolerable strain on Pakistan. Apart from the ethnic tensions and other related factors, the unremitting population growth in that country is beginning to create further problems. The economic situation too is highly adverse. It is all linked up with the social and political structure of the Pakistani leadership. To say, therefore, that some changes in that structure will have to take place and a reorientation of attitude viz-a-viz India cannot be avoided for a very long time is not to say anything very original. This is the direction in which things are moving. This, however, is not to suggest that the confederation of India-Bangladesh-Pakistan which has been talked of by several people for several years is around the corner or anything like that. But this much is definite that much greater coming and going of people is very much on the cards. Equally important, the growth of business between the three countries of the subcontinent cannot be delayed beyond a few years. If all this happens, as looks rather likely, some of the current developments represented by the imposition of the Shariat law and the Islamisation of the Pakistani polity are bound to receive a setback. If this is being too optimistic, it is all a question of what is the time horizon in front of us. If it is only the next 5-10 years, perhaps these apprehensions are not groundless. But if it is a longer time-span that one has in mind, this is not too improbable a scenario. One caution, however, is called for. These things are not going to happen automatically but will have to be worked for. Even today, while it has been forced on India, the current confrontation in Kargil is a factor which, if it does not go in Pakistan’s favour, as is apparent, will act as a step in the right direction. By repulsing the Pakistani attack and by reaffirming the sanctity of the LoC, India will be indirectly assisting those forces in Pakistan which are opposed to fundamentalism. The rest of the job has to be done by the people of Pakistan. How long will they take
to do this and how effectively they do it are questions
which are still in the womb of the future. The direction,
however, is clear. It will be a folly not to recognise
the historic significance of what is happening today and
what a favourable outcome of this conflict can lead to. |
Wrong definition of
protectionism RBI Governor Bimal Jalan has criticised the policy of protectionism in his recent book, “Indian Economic Policy: Towards 21st Century”. He has decried “swadeshi”, calling it archaic and argued for a firm rejection of the slogan of “economic nationalism”. He has reached such conclusions because he has wrongly analysed India’s experience of protectionism. There are two dimensions to economic protection. First is internal: giving protection to the public sector or big industrialists from internal competition. We had not allowed domestic businesses to enter sectors like steel and oil. Tata was not given the permission to make passenger cars. The second dimension is that of protection from external competition. We also did not allow external companies and goods to enter the country. Mr Jalan fails to distinguish between these two types of protectionism. Internal protectionism has been harmful while external protectionism has been beneficial. The facts given in Mr Jalan’s book themselves establish this. He says that India’s policy had been to allow imports of priority goods like fertilisers and prohibit imports of consumer goods. As a result, according to him, “the production of prohibited goods becomes more profitable than the priority goods. For example, India became self-sufficient in the production of motor cars but dependent on imports of chemical fertilisers.” The straight conclusion of this is that protection leads to self-reliance. We attained self-sufficiency in the production of motor cars because of protection. It follows that if we had similarly given protection to chemical fertilisers then we would also have attained self-sufficiency in that sector. It does not follow that the external protection given to the motor car industry was wrong. But Mr Jalan draws the conclusion all kinds of protection was incorrect. The RBI Governor says that it was only due to external protection that we have had the repeated crisis of the balance of payment and “we had to borrow from the IMF repeatedly. “This is incorrect. Did we really have the BOP crisis due to external protection? Or was it due to a rigid exchange rate policy. Our thinking in this matter has been a bit perverted. We see the prestige of the nation in the value of the rupee but not in inflation. When inflation increases to 10-15 per cent then our national prestige remains unaffected. But when the rupee begins to depreciate due to the same reason then our national prestige gets suddenly effected. We have run into the BOP crisis only when we have not devalued the rupee in tandem with internal inflation. Let us not forget that our BOP had corrected itself immediately upon devaluation in 1991-93. This was the real reason for the repeated BOP crisis, and for having to borrow from the IMF. The reason lies in this rigidity and not in protectionism as Mr Jalan alleges. He is unhappy that our share in world trade was 2 per cent which declined to 1 per cent in the sixties. This is precisely that time when, according to Mr Jalan himself, our growth rate, though low, was nevertheless satisfactory. This too leads to the conclusion that too much integration with the world economy is harmful. Mr Jalan attributes the Mexican crisis not to “openness” but to the remittance of capital by their own people abroad. But the facts given by him indicate otherwise: “Despite high external investment in 1990-94, the growth rate was low at 2.5 per cent but the exchange rate appreciated as external capital inflowed. This led to the promotion of imports and discouragement of exports. The trade balance went out of control.” Why did Mexico have a low rate of growth of 2.5 per cent with “openness” while we had 5 per cent plus with “protectionism”? The reason is that the absence of external protection allowed foreign investment and imports to come and kill domestic industries. Was this not due to the fact that Mexico followed that same openness which Mr Jalan propagates? Then if their own people remitted money in large quantities this too was but a consequence of openness. The RBI Governor argues that since China, Russia and Cuba are having to make efforts to attract external investment, this is the correct policy. He is ignoring the fact that these countries had adopted a policy of grave internal protection. These countries have made the same mistake that Mr Jalan seeks to make now. They too are trying to get out of the bad consequences of internal protection by external opening. The consequence of this external openness has surfaced in Russia and may soon do so in China. India must reject the suggestions given by Mr Jalan. The need of the hour is not to go fast and invite the perils of indiscriminate foreign investment and imports. The need of the hour is not to follow Mexico and China but ward off the mistakes that they are committing. We must instead follow the following policies: (1) Complete restriction on foreign investment and debt. This will lead to the establishment of trade balance and an increase in exports. Problems arise from using capital inflows for current imports; (2) Engage in limited external trade to avoid the pitfalls of global instability; (3) Increase in internal competition. There is no reason why
we cannot reach global competitiveness by following these
policies. At present there is no need for external
competition. If results of internal competition do not
match our expectations then we must locate the reasons
for the same and remove them. |
Chandigarh
loses out! THE decision to locate the second Electronic Switching Systems (ESS) factory in the backward district of Gonda in Uttar Pradesh in preference to the posh, savvy Chandigarh has caused much heartburn and stirred up a hornet’s nest of controversy. I have been talking to the Officer on Special Duty (OSD) in the Union Ministry of Industrial Development and I put it to him squarely that Chandigarh’s chances of getting the ESS factory have been nobbled thru’ some sharp practice and backroom stratagems. “Nonsense,” he snorted angrily, “your charge is baseless, ill-informed and politically motivated.” We in the ministry are thoroughbred professionals and we use some of the most sophisticated management tools, including a fourth-generation super computer, in arriving at decisions to locate public sector plants. Only politico-technical factors and nothing else counts with us. “Politico-technical!” I exclaimed for that was a top-spinner verbiage, “what does it mean?” “Well ,” said the OSD, “on October 21, 1998, Mrs Sonia Gandhi addressed a public meeting in Gonda and the Intelligence Bureau reported that it was attended by a massive crowd of 10 urchins and to counter this threat to Number Seven, Race Course Road, we ran a programme thru’ the ministry computer and the printout recommended that we announce the setting up of the ESS factory in Gonda without further loss of time and that’s exactly what we did. So where is the question of any backroom manoeuvrings? I’m surprised that you should be under the impression that Chandigarh had the inside track for getting the ESS factory.” “But Gonda is a backward hick town and where will you get your components from for the ESS factory?” “Look,” said the OSD impatiently, “India is on the threshold of a major pathbreaking technological revolution and for the Gonda factory, components will be transported by bullock-carts and in baskets carried by adivasi women on their heads from the nearest railhead, a hundred kilometres away. That’s what we mean when we say that Gonda has a well-developed infrastructure and Chandigarh certainly doesn’t have a monopoly of infrastructure and I’m sorry to sound so rude and blunt.” “Oh, that’s all right,” I said, “but it still isn’t clear to me how you arrive at a decision to locate a public sector plant at a particular place. Suppose you want to set up a large ice factory to support the fishing industry, I suppose you’ll locate it in one of the coastal cities?” “Of course not,” said the OSD. “We’ll locate it in Leh at Ladakh.” “But Leh, at 23,000 feet above sea-level, practically sits on ice!” I exclaimed. “No matter,” said the OSD, “an election is due for the Ladakh Lama Council and an announcement about setting up an ice factory should swing a dozen votes in the ruling party’s favour.” “So that’s what you mean by politico-technical factors,” I said. “That’s right,” said the OSD. “I don’t want to seek any confidential information, but has a decision been made regarding the location for the proposed one million tonne capacity cement plant in the public sector?” “Yes,” said
the OSD, “it’s to be located in Assam Chief
Minister Mr Prafulla Kumar Mahanta’s home town of
Gosaigaon in upper Brahmaputra valley. It has
well-developed infrastructure like water, transport,
power and Mr Mahanta’s ability to raise funds by
opening letters of credit.” |
Maimed bravehearts deserve
better deal A flag-drapped soldier arrives, multitude makes up his wake and tearful eyes reflect the agony within of the nation. Another comes back after having been a prisoner of war and a grateful nation rejoices in thanks-giving. Between the unfortunate who come in body-bags and those who escape without injury lie scores for whom no flags fly — no bugles sound — no shots are fired in salute. Ignored by the media for they neither make good copy nor striking visuals — shunned by the politicians as they do not promise extra votes — forgotten by the Ministry of Defence due to sheer lack of interest — betrayed by their commanders who sent them to war knowing full well that many will give their limbs at the alter of national security but did not look after their interest later which they were duty bound to do so. Facing a bleak present and a bleaker future these are the wounded disabled of the armed forces. Shot up by enemy bullets, shredded by hostile shrapnel, the wounded are carried on the tired and bruised shoulders of their comrades from the field of battle to the medical aid post onto the nearest hospital by the fastest means. After a brief honeymoon of excellent nursing and state of the art medical care, the nightmare begins. Having been relatively cured, a medical board is held where-at different medical specialists evaluate the disability caused by each injury/disease. Enumerated as a percentage of total disability the individual specialist assessment is whetted by the complete board collectively. Due to some archaic guideline, which lays down that the total of separate disabilities will be reduced wherever there is functional overlap, the process of whittling down starts, and a cut is applied sometimes as much as 15 per cent to 20 per cent. One would like to know as to what is the connection between an amputated leg and a lost eye or deafness due to close shell burst and a cardiac problem effected by high altitude yet there are specific cases where reduction has been carried out just as routine. The board proceedings are then sent to the higher HQ where an officer of the rank of Major-Gereral reviews the award and more often than not a further reduction is done. The tale of woe does not end here. The proceedings are then sent to the Chief Controller of Defence Accounts (Pensions) (CCDA) for promulgation. A medical advisory panel (MAP) headed by a Colonel sits in judgement over the decision of a Major-General. Without seeing the patient, purely on documents alone, the MAP further reduces the award — sometimes to a percentage less than 20 — the least figure at which any disability pension is entitled. Perhaps, the Ministry of Defence feels that 20 per cent deterioration in functional ability is a price a soldier must pay for the privilege of guarding the frontiers of the nation. Incidentally, while in service even 1 percent degradation in capability debars a soldier from any promotion for life. The procedure followed by the CCDA has been held illegal by the Supreme Court as well as many high courts and one would feel that at least one hurdle has been removed but it is not so. The CCDA has simply ignored applicability of this order to previous cases, which they should have remedied suo motu thus committing gross contempt of court. A novel method has been evolved by the Ministry of Defence to overcome meddlesome courts either in collusion with the CCDA or by own design. Any soldier who goes to court to get relief is handed over a Presidential order accepting the plea just a few days before the case is to come up for hearing. Implication is that such an order is applicable only to an individual and does not have universal application as a court order would have! A few years ago after a similar ruling by the Supreme Court, the Army HQ had taken up a case with the Ministry of Defence to disband the MAP of the CCDA being redundant but the plea was rejected without assigning any reason. The MOD was then under the stewardship of Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav who had earlier announced sweeping changes in disability pension but like all such promises these were never implemented. Needless to say that the armed forces let the matter rest there. It is amazing but distressingly true that Armed Forces personnel with 100% disability (loss of two limbs or one limb and an eye or the like) get only Rs 750 a month as compensation. Perhaps this bounty is pegged at this ridiculous level because they cannot go on strike but are obliged by their conscience to continue to perish at the heights of Siachin jungles of North East fighting the insurgents. Out of the wounded of the Kargil operation alone at least half will end up with 50% disability. They can look forward to a princely sum of Rs 12 a day on which income tax will have to be paid! A beggar at a street corner earns more at the end of the day displaying lesser misery. What a grateful nation we are who treat the war wounded so magnanimously. The Almighty might forgive the powers-that-be but no patriotic citizen should. And there is more. Disability pension is admissible only on invalidation or on superannuation. If a wounded soldier is not discharged on medical grounds, he is placed in a category where-in no promotion is granted but he continues to suffer the rigours of military life carrying out thankless tasks much below his professional acumen, looking forward to compensation aforesaid, for a period which may last as long as 30 years. If by any chance he wants to leave the service prematurely to restart life in less arduous circumstance he has to forego even this meagre disability pension not with standing the fact that wherever he spilt his blood and left the shreds of his fragmented limbs will forever be India whether he remains in uniform or not. The disabled soldiers were disabled once again, this time not by enemy fire but by the carelessness of their own commanders when the pay commission asked for recommendations from the Services. Surprisingly no point regarding the enhancement of the disability pension was put forward by the armed forces, by design or by sheer lack of due diligence. However, in an interim order the pay commission ordered all pension disbursing authorities (PDA) to merge the then DA with the disability pension and make payments accordingly. The PDAs took action and paid arrears at enhanced rates. However, in the final order all mention of disability pension was removed. The PDAs on issue of this letter withdrew all the arrears that had been paid. The result was that a disabled soldier who was getting 95 per cent to 145 per cent DA as on December 31, 95 started getting his minuscule disability pension without any DA the next day i.e. January 1, 96. It is the only case where the pay commission reduced the entitlement. There is no known representation by the armed forces headquarters Ministry of Defence. However, it is well known that considerable discussions took place and representations made for enhancement of pay of senior officers to ensure protocol standing, vis-a-vis, paramilitary forces and the police. Due to the withdrawal of the arrears amounting to Rs 10000 at the minimum and Rs 60,000 at the maximum only subsistence allowance is being paid till the arrears are liquidated. Many who had invested this money in ventures are today living at starvation levels. The trauma of having been betrayed by their commanders and the Ministry of Defence is enormous for the disabled but difficult to comprehend by those who by the grace of God have their limbs intact. My head hangs in shame seeing the plight of those I sent to war or to counter insurgency, knowing full well that some will give their life and many their limbs. By gross ineptitude, inefficiency, lack of interest and due diligence by the Ministry of Defence armed forces headquarters the cardinal principle of “the welfare of men you command comes first always and every time” has been shamefully diluted. Comparison with the paramilitary forces would be an eye opener. Such personnel get Rs 200,000 to Rs 300,000 as one time compensation at 100% disability even when in service. This amount if invested in gilt-edged securities/mutual funds would generate a tax free income of Rs 2000/- to Rs 3000 a month not only during the life time of the individual, but would continue for the family after he passes away. No percentage of the disability pension of the armed forces personnel is added to the family pension but ceases with the demise of the soldier on the plea that the disabled does not have to be looked after any longer and the family has not been disadvantaged in any way. On the other hand, a grateful nation rightfully granted pension to freedom fighters without the sacrifices of whom we would still be in colonial chains. This pension was later passed on to the family as it was felt that they too suffered due to the privations of their parents. The largesse, increased many times over, has now been extended to the grandchildren, thankfully without assigning any reason as none exists. But then the recipients are kin of the politicians hence rate priority whereas the wounded soldiers belong only to the nation, therefore, can be safely ignored. There is no denying the fact that that many more important issues take up the government’s time but this minuscule group of disabled soldiers demand that a thought be given to their circumstances. The following is
recommended to be effected at the earliest: —
Restore the disability pension as per the interim order
of the pay commission i.e. disability pension plus DA as
on December 31, 95; arrears to be adjusted accordingly
with effect from January 1, 96, — Resolve the issue
of disability pension in consonance with the spirit of
the pay commission. An increase to a minimum of Rs 3000 a
month should be effected. — 30 per cent of the
disability pension be added to the family pension, —
Disability pension be made tax free, and Review the
procedure of the award of disability pension de novo. |
Kargil collection drives pick
up IF I’m not mistaken one of the first collection drives for our soldiers was the one organised by Cinemaya and Art Without Frontiers wherein artists, poets, writers came together on a common platform. And this week witnessed the picking up of the fund collection drive. Almost every possible organisation, establishment, office setup has started its own fund collection drive. And on Thursday several Bollywood stars reached here and though many of them went to visit the injured jawans at the Military Hospital but there is news that soon they would be holding a special fund raising show (the details of date and venue are still to be made public). And together with that I’d wish that prayers take off for bringing about peace. And here it gets almost imperative to mention that one of the few who uttered words to this effect is the ailing (recovering from a stroke attack) Ali Mian. Sadly, his utterances were misquoted and some of the ABVP members tried to give a mischievous and communal slant to the issue. Though no fingers could be raised against Ali Mian because of his high standing in the world of international academia and perhaps also because of his total abstinence from today’s politics but it has left one wondering about the communal elements around, who could use this opportunity and not even spare the patriots and nationalists. It’s extremely unfortunate that even at this juncture some of these communal elements lurking around are trying to bring about divisions and insist on talking along Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Sikh lines. Khushwant celebrates Last week took off with a well attended reception hosted by Bubbles Charanjit Singh for Khushwant Singh to celebrate the conferment of two honours — the Nishan-e-Khalsa and a honorary doctorate of Philosophy by the Guru Nanak Dev University. It would be absolutely gratuitous on my part to state that the who’s who attended it, for aren’t such aspects understood? The guest list was indeed impressive and besides close members of his family it included MS Gill, Kuldip Nayar, SS Barnala, Allan Sealy, Satish Gujral and spouse Kiran, Mani Shankar Aiyar and spouse Suneet, Kapil Sibal, Indian Express editor Shekhar Gupta, Outlook editor Vinod Mehta with spouse Sumita, Ashok Pahwa, Parveen Talha, KPS Gill, Vinod Dua, Tarun Tejpal, and many others. Thankfully there were no speeches. And much in keeping with his absolute rigidity about time, Khushwant Singh strode out just before 9 pm, even though some late comers could be spotted entering suite number 2000 on the 20th floor of hotel Le Meridien, the venue for his reception. And whilst we were waiting to see him off Sheela Reddy asked Khushwant’s younger brother (younger to him by 2 years or so) whether as a child he was bullied by him. The brother’s eyes gleamed for a second as he nodded “yes, he bullied us.” To that Khushwant simply smiled .... maybe he will say whatever he has to in one of his forthcoming columns. A packed coming week It’s going to be a busy week ahead. There is the French National Day — ‘Bastille Day — celebrations on July 14, the Iraqi National Day celebrations on July 16, Pankaj Udhas evening again on July 16 at the new premises of the Press Club of India the fortnight long July 9 to 25 exhibition of graphics from Poland at the National Gallery of Modern Art and then there opens on July 14 evening at the LTG gallery an off-beat exhibition of children’s paintings. Conceived and arranged by the embassy of Israel the very title of the exhibition — “Children of the world illustrate the Bible” does throw ample light on the exhibition. “This competition, celebrating 2000 years of the Common Era was organised by various authorities in Israel. It was open to every child in the world, ages 8 to 18. In each country, including India, various organisation took upon themselves to conduct regional competitions — and the exhibition features over 100 paintings from all over India...”. And together with these “days” lies fitted the World Population day, on July 11. And when an Helpage — India office-bearer informed me that in India the population of the elderly (that is those above the age of 60 years) is 7 crore, my next query was that out of these seven crores how many are fit and healthy and he was quick to point out that there is such data available ‘nobody can tell you about these aspects because there have been no findings...”. And together with this
there are also no facts and figures available on the
numbers of those elderly who are affected by dementia and
Alzheimer’s disorder. In fact, so much so that two
years back when I was doing a feature on those stricken
by the Alzheimer’s disorder a Health Ministry
official was sure that I was referring to eczema! So
‘days’ can come and go, year can be dedicated
for the older persons (1999 is the International Year for
Older Persons) but the older persons might be witnessing
terrible days in the years to come. What with poor
healthcare facilities, poorer infrastructural network,
with just 900 old-age homes in the entire country. And
though socio-patterns and trends are being blamed for
this apathy for the aged but writer Usha Mahajan
(who’d earlier undertaken the KK Birla fellowship to
study on the changing marital scenario) stresses that
this apathy for the elderly is directly linked to dowry.
“Even the most respectable amongst us doesn’t
hesitate in accepting dowry and this aspect is directly
linked to illtreatment/disrespect of the elderly by the
daughter-in-law of the house, for tell me how can she
forget that her parents had to give their last rupee in
dowry...” Give this theory a thought. |
Alleged attacks by police MR Pitt, Commissioner of Police, stated in an interview that the accounts of the assaults on certain workers are scarcely fair to the rank and file of the Travancore Police. He says that on the evening of Tuesday, the volunteers attempted to break through the police cordons while the police were relying on the good faith of the local Congressmen. The authorities have never had all told more than fifty policemen at Vaikom in connection with the Congress movement there and of this number not more than half are on duty at any given time. The active attempt to
break the cordon was unanticipated since Mr Gandhi’s
instructions seemed to preclude it and previously
Congressmen had given notice of all changes in plans. |
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