PM's stern warning
Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has allowed his well-calculated pauses and punctuations to be swept away by the gushing forth of an unstoppable stream of determined words addressed to the nation on the issue of Pakistani aggression in Jammu and Kashmir.

Token of respect
The equanimity of the family members of those who make the ultimate sacrifice while defending the country notwithstanding, the death of a soldier shatters the entire family.

A survival game
Haryana Chief Minister Bansi Lal has beaten back any threat to his government, at least for the present.

MISHANDLED KARGIL MESS
by Inder Malhotra
SADLY one has to say — in both sorrow and anger — that in handling the Kargil outrage, the caretaker government is being as inept and flat-footed as in its earlier shocking failure to detect and forestall Pakistan’s brazen violation of the Line of Control in arguably the most strategic sector of Jammu and Kashmir.

Measures to end industrial recession
by R.N. Malik
INDIAN industry is passing through a period of deep recession (excepting auto ancillary, pharmaceutical and information technology-related units) and nobody knows for how long it will persist.

Encounter with Govt of India
by Anand Verma
“HAVE you seen Government of India?” Asking this somewhat befuddling question was someone I had just met at dinner. He had a couple before dinner. But, he looked perfectly sober.

75 Years Ago

“Plague and its prevention by Ignatia”
AS plague is prevalent practically in the whole of the Punjab and people are in a state of perplexity, I deem it necessary that they should be made acquainted with a few simple, useful, practical and tried instructions.

PM's stern warning

Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has allowed his well-calculated pauses and punctuations to be swept away by the gushing forth of an unstoppable stream of determined words addressed to the nation on the issue of Pakistani aggression in Jammu and Kashmir. When he says that the situation in the Dras-Kargil-Batalik belt is serious, he wants the people to rise as one man to deal with a situation of treachery and deceit. When he states that the Pakistani onslaught, both military and propagandistically theocratic, is fraught with danger, he repudiates the stand taken by a senior Minister of Pakistan who has said that the Line of Control (LoC) does not mean anything and that it is flexible or subject to alteration according to Islamabad's whims and fancies. Mr Vajpayee rightly calls the long-drawn-out military action in the mountainous area "some momentary mishap". He has this assurance to offer: "The Armed Forces shall accomplish the task undertaken by them and ensure that no one dares to indulge in this kind of misadventure in future." Let us not describe his reasoned statement—"Let us use this occasion to learn from our defence forces; let us translate into our own conduct the discipline for which they are renowned; we must maintain equanimity and act with confidence"— as a politician's rhetoric. He puts forth facts and desires that fiction should be banished from public perception. What is this fiction? It is the Pakistani assertion on talk about talks. The LoC is not a vague line or demarcative marking on a piece of paper. After the Simla Agreement, the military authorities of the two sides had taken great pains to mark the LoC, section by section microscopically, delineating salient locations and coordinated details. The LoC has not been questioned during the past 27 years. Let us listen to Mr Vajpayee's warning: "I do want to make this plain. If their stratagem now is that the intrusion should be used to alter the LoC through talks, the proposed talks will end before they have begun." Mr Vajpayee is right in advising people from various sections of our political edifice that the present crisis demands unanimity, a true consensus and the unity of purpose, leading to the unity of action. Both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers and India stands as much threatened by annihilating weapons as Pakistan does.

The Simla Agreement must be adhered to. The Prime Minister is of the view that the ongoing Pakistani military action in the inhospitable region is the violation "not just of one article of the Simla Agreement but an eight-fold violation". The purpose is clear: " To occupy Indian territory and to choke off our links with other parts of the country—in particular, Siachen and Ladakh.” The President has spoken on the same lines and obtained first-hand information from the Service Chiefs as the concerned Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. The techniques and machinery of air and ground assaults have been upgraded; the winning phase is not too distant. The supply line of the Pakistani soldiers, who are leading the mercenaries, have almost been snapped. Understandably, dozens of injured intruders are dying in pathetic conditions in each sub-sector where they are holed up precariously in the absence of food and medical treatment. This country is waiting for the day when the last soldier or mercenary of Pakistan will be sent to the other side of the undisputable LoC—and beyond. It is sovereignty's battle in the northern state. Hopefully, its outcome will also provide a solution to the vicious proxy war. The Armed Forces have been given the power to decide upon the line of action. No Prime Minister could have done anything better than this. Ignominy awaits Pakistan yet again.

Token of respect

The equanimity of the family members of those who make the ultimate sacrifice while defending the country notwithstanding, the death of a soldier shatters the entire family. No compensation is enough for the loss of a life but to gather the scattered pieces, a tender, helping official hand is necessary. That is the least that the grateful nation can do for the departed warriors. As such, the decision of Punjab and Haryana to enhance the ex-gratia relief to be given to the families of those killed is welcome. This fulfils a long-standing demand of the Sainik Welfare Department. While the Punjab Government has decided to give each family Rs 2 lakh, irrespective of rank, Haryana will give Rs 2 lakh, Rs 1 lakh and Rs 50,000 in the case of officers, junior commissioned officers and jawans, respectively. The increase is considerable but has to be viewed in the light of the decision of the Bihar Government to give Rs 10 lakh to the next of kin of Major Mariappan Saravanan of the Bihar Regiment who laid down his life during the Kargil operations against Pakistani infiltrators. The Punjab Government has not only increased the payment but also announced some other tokens of respect. While earlier, only Class III and IV jobs were given to the next of kin, and that too only in “deserving cases”, it has now been decided to give Class II jobs in every case. The next of kin is also to be given a plot or a house in a PUDA colony at reserved price minus Rs 5 lakh. These are the gestures which must be emulated by each and every State. No details are available about the relief to be given to those who suffer serious injuries but it is hoped that the newly floated War Heroes Family Welfare Fund will take better care of them also.

Well meaning that these measures are, these will become meaningful only if assistance is passed on to the families in a dignified manner. That spirit, unfortunately, has hardly been noticeable so far. There is strong disenchantment among ex-servicemen and family members of the martyrs of earlier wars because their deeds are glorified only during the war-like situation and are forgotten once peace returns. Then they are made to run from pillar to post for claiming what is their due. Many years ago, Punjab had effected a 20 per cent reservation in government service for former soldiers and wards of martyrs. It was reduced to 15 per cent, then to 14 per cent and now stands at 13 per cent. A common grouse of the men in uniform is that the bureaucracy always tries to delay, dilute and stop implementation of various soldier-friendly policies. There is no attempt to make the armed forces feel special. Their various applications too are treated in a routine and ad-hoc manner. That is why cases relating to 220 war widows of the 1965 and 1971 wars with Pakistan are still under process in Punjab. Their files are getting thicker and thicker, without any land having been allotted to them so far. It is hoped that the latest decision of the government will not have a similar fate. It has been officially decided to treat the martyrs as war heroes. Dignity is what must be shown towards their families.

A survival game

Haryana Chief Minister Bansi Lal has beaten back any threat to his government, at least for the present. He has bought peace with the dissident-in-chief and has firmed up the faltering allegiance of another. That was the subtext of the expansion of his ministry on Monday. Dr Dharam Vir Yadav, reinducted into the Cabinet, has been rewarded for recanting his recent past and in the case of Mr Ram Bhaj Mr Bansi Lal is taking out an insurance against any ministerial mishap. Mr Ram Bhaj is seen as a soft target by the dissidents and considering that their last attempt to split the Haryana Vikas Party collapsed because of the absence of the crucial 12th member, loyalty of every MLA counts and that of two should ensure respite to the government. Mr Bansi Lal, never one to mince words, admitted to the survival game by explaining that the addition of two ministers was entirely due to political and practical exigencies. Not only that. He also indirectly held out an olive branch to the four other sacked Ministers, and promptly a party MLA demanded their inclusion in the Ministry. If Dr Yadav, after his bitter estrangement and dismissal, can be rehabilitated, why not others? seems to be the mood. Who cares for ethics and healthy norms?

Barring a handful, every HVP legislator is a Minister or chairman of one or the other board. The Ministry is more an instrument to fulfil individual ambitions and contain dissidence than a compact body of committed men and women. Perhaps this is inevitable in a House in which the senior partner of the ruling alliance lacks a majority of its own but which has a long tradition of floor-crossing. What has added to Mr Bansi Lal’s problems is the attitude of the coalition partner, the BJP. Its legislature party leader and Education Minister, Mr Ram Bilas Sharma, has bitterly attacked the Chief Minister and led a delegation to Delhi to demand withdrawal of support to the government. But the central leadership refused, being reluctant to do a Jayalalitha in Haryana. It preferred the dissidents to do the toppling and take the odium. Mr Bansi Lal has closed that door, or so it seems. The BJP has reasons to be annoyed and showed it by boycotting the swearing-in ceremony — only one Minister was present. Seen in this perspective, the Haryana Chief Minister is fighting on two fronts. Survival in one does not relieve pressure on the other.

MISHANDLED KARGIL MESS
Government’s dismal role
by Inder Malhotra

SADLY one has to say — in both sorrow and anger — that in handling the Kargil outrage, the caretaker government is being as inept and flat-footed as in its earlier shocking failure to detect and forestall Pakistan’s brazen violation of the Line of Control (LoC) in arguably the most strategic sector of Jammu and Kashmir.

Even the decision to use air power to dislodge the invaders, who include both Pakistan army regulars and Islamist mercenaries of the “Afghan-jihad” vintage, was taken belatedly. But it was taken. And for this Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, reportedly the plan’s author, merits praise. For the rest, however, the government’s performance has been so poor, at times so appalling, that the Kargil mess has been needlessly worsened.

The one steady shaft of light in an otherwise depressing situation is that the Army and the Air Force are engaged in expelling or eliminating the invaders with their characteristic valour, determination and single-mindedness. For this they are paying a heavy price in blood. The high rate of casualties, inevitable given the terrain and the advantage of height on the side of the aggressors, speaks for itself. It is also noteworthy that officers up to the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel, who are leading the gallant jawans from up-front, are also laying down their lives in defence of the country and its frontiers. No wonder, a grateful nation has rallied round the armed forces with gratitude and admiration.

In this context what an irony and ignominy it is that the greatest hurt to the brave defenders of the country should have come from a blundering bunch of politicians on the top of the heap, especially those ensconced in power in New Delhi, even if as caretakers.

Too many words need not be wasted on the sordid, three-act drama that has been staged and in which the villain of the piece is unquestionably Mr George Fernandes, ironically the man entrusted with the Defence portfolio. But a brief recapitulation of his disgraceful conduct is called for.

He began by gratuitously offering a certificate of innocence not only to the Pakistani Prime Minister, Mr Nawaz Sharif, but also to the monstrous ISI, the Inter-Services Intelligence outfit of Pakistan, described by an astute American analyst as “more vicious than the KGB and the CIA’s department of dirty tricks put together”. He then talked of “free passage” to the invaders should they want it. And, not content with these serious misdemeanours, he proceeded to sully the long-established ethos of the apolitical Indian armed forces. This he did by dragging senior officers of the Army and the IAF to a meeting of the BJP’s national executive.

This is by no means the end of a dismal story. Long after Mr Fernandes had shut his mouth about “free passage” to the occupiers of Indian territory, the Prime Minister, speaking to the media on board INS Mysore in Mumbai, appeared to endorse his Defence Minister’s mad idea. Only when the intensity of the country’s feelings against this egregious irresponsibility became obvious did both begin to deny having ever spoken of free passage.

Almost anything can be expected of Mr Fernandes. Having repeated his “brilliant” idea of granting free passage to the violators of Indian frontiers on two TV channels, he had no compunction in issuing a demonstrably false denial. But Mr Vajpayee, a man of honour and much respected for his sagacity, ought to have known better.

Gone are the days when loose-tongued politicians could get away with the lame but workable cliche: “I have been misquoted or quoted out of context”. These days every word spoken is recorded on the videotapes of more than a dozen TV organisations. Millions watch and hear these statements as they are made live. And there is no way all the TV channels possessing irrefutable proof of what exactly had been said and how often can be cajoled or coerced into erasing their tell-tale tapes. But let that pass.

The more pertinent question is whether the Defence portfolio can be left to the untender mercies of the maverick Mr Fernandes whose record since the Bhagwat affair has become steadily more questionable, to say the least. For much less Krishna Menon was sacked by a reluctant Jawaharlal Nehru in 1962. Mr Vajpayee and his party were among those baying for Menon’s blood then. Now that the mounting demand for Mr Fernandes’ removal from the sensitive portfolio has been endorsed by so moderate and careful a leader as Mr Inder Kumar Gujral, why is Mr Vajpayee displaying helplessness in relation to someone who is playing ducks and drakes with national defence?

What the country is making of this scandalous state of affairs will, in all probability, be reflected during the elections due in September. But the Vajpayee government would do well to pay heed to the anger and dismay that the Defence Minister’s deplorable words and deeds have caused among the armed forces, including those on the front. Despatches from Kargil and Dras make no secret of this. No one should think that these reports are a “media invention”.

Meanwhile, the military operations are going ahead and have entered a promising new phase. Our soldiers and airmen are too patriotic and equally professional to be deflected from their duty by the bad behaviour of crass politicians. Even so, it would be naive to believe that the Pakistani mischief can be demolished overnight. It could take several months to drive out or decimate the last of the armed intruders.

Of its three objectives in mounting the attack, the only one Pakistan has achieved so far is that its men are sitting on Indian territory. Its hope of disrupting the lifeline between Srinagar and Leh has been contained and will eventually be defeated. Furthermore, much to its dismay, Pakistan has failed to use the Kargil outrage to internationalise the Kashmir issue, an enterprise in which it has been frustrated over the preceding decade, too.

However, it would be wrong, indeed foolish, to be complacent on this score. Western powers, especially the USA, remain greatly interested in Kashmir. They have also been reluctant to condemn Pakistani support to terrorism in the sensitive Indian state. Even on this occasion the USA has privately asked Pakistan to respect the LoC. Nothing has been said publicly. Nor should it be forgotten that the powers which get hysterical over the death of one hostage elsewhere quietly swallowed the killings of four foreign hostages taken by Pakistan-supported terrorists.

It is in this context that the government cannot be congratulated on its handling of the diplomatic aspect of the Kargil problem. Unlike Indian politicians, who specialise in speaking in different voices, their Pakistani counterparts have orchestrated even contradictory statements rather well. The Pakistani Foreign Secretary held out a threat of use of nuclear weapons and some hours later let someone else to withdraw it. Similarly, so respected a news agency as AP quoted Mr Nawaz Sharif as having said that war between India and Pakistan could not be ruled out. Twelve hours later this was denied by the Pakistani Information Minister, Mr Mushahid Hussain, who is Mr Sharif’s chief spin doctor.

All this, however, falls into a pattern. Violate the LoC in Kashmir and simultaneously call the line into question. Raise the scare of a nuclear conflagration in the subcontinent to persuade the “international community” to meddle in the Kashmir question. At the same time, pretend to be a “peace maker” and insist on an early visit to Delhi by the Pakistani Foreign Minister, Mr Sartaj Aziz.

Indian reluctance to play host to Mr Aziz until the Kargil outrage is ended and the stand that nothing else can be discussed are understandable. But rather than appear to be saying no to the date suggested by Pakistan, couldn’t New Delhi make a counter-proposal? An excellent idea would have been a meeting of military commanders in the area to be followed by a visit to Delhi not by Mr Aziz but by the Pakistani Prime Minister.

Measures to end industrial recession
by R.N. Malik

INDIAN industry is passing through a period of deep recession (excepting auto ancillary, pharmaceutical and information technology-related units) and nobody knows for how long it will persist. Industrial production grew by 8.4 per cent in 1994-95 and by a whooping 12.8 per cent in 1995-96. But thereafter it has been going downhill — for 6.5 per cent in 1996-97 to 6.6 per cent in 1997-98 and to 4 per cent in 1998-99. What is most frustrating is the fact that the correct diagnosis of this malady has not been made so far. Neither the captains of industry nor organisations like the CII or FICCI have highlighted this issue. The CII has now formulated an 11-point agenda and circulated it among all the political parties to make it a part of their election manifesto. The Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry (ASSOCHAM) too has exhorted all the political parties to have a minimum economic agenda that would let the economy function smoothly even if there are unavoidable changes in the government. The most wonderful recommendation is to create an infrastructure development fund outside the Consolidated Fund of India.

Last year both the World Bank and the IMF praised India for containing the contagion coming from South-East Asian countries. The main reason for impeding the contagion was stated to be the imperviousness of the India market to foreign interventions. Contrary to general belief, industrial recession started in July, 1998, but the noise has been made only this year. As against this Asian tigers have restructured their corporate empires and their economy is showing marked recovery. India, till recently considered as number one investment destination, has been relegated to a third place with South Korea at the top.

The reasons for industrial recession are over-production, loss of international market, unstable currency, losing PSUs, unavailability of power, a choking credit-delivery system, high interest rates (13.5 per cent against 5.5 per cent in the USA) lack of government spending, opening of the market to foreign sellers (not investors), etc. The last three factors have hit the industry very seriously.

Government budgeting is passing through a very critical phase. Nearly 65 per cent of the budget goes towards the salary of its employees as a result of the implementation of the Fifth Pay Commission report. Over 20 per cent goes for the maintenance of capital works and only 15 to 20 per cent is left for development projects. Therefore, most state budgets show deficit financing and overdrafts with the RBI with no new tax proposals for fear of political reprisals. The Union Budget had to be passed in a day without any discussion. During the seventies and eighties governments used to spend heavy amounts on roads, canals, electrification and institutional infrastructure. This spending created a huge demand on industry and it used to run exhaustively. But 1999 will go down as the year for presenting the most uninspiring state budgets. The much-touted plan of the government to effect a specialised industrial revival through a big push to infrastructure development, utilising Resurgent India Bond (RIB) funds, has come a cropper with no more than Rs 1900 crore of the Rs 18000 crore ($ 4.2 billion) thus raised, flowing into infrastructure funding so far. The rest of the money has gone to government securities, banks and the RBI as CRR funds.

The problem actually began when the Indian market was thrown open to foreign investors. The foreign companies that set up their manufacturing units in India are not so harmful to the country’s interests provided they export 50 per cent of their finished products. Otherwise, they cripple domestic industry by producting better quality products. The real crippling effect comes from the dumping of foreign goods on Indian soil, particularly from China, South Korea, Thailand and the USA. The manufacturers in these countries have the advantage of huge-capacity plants, a cheaper source of power, a higher level of automation and a lower cost per unit. Obviously, Indian manufacturers are unable to beat them on the price front.

Take the case of the paper industry. The biggest Swadeshi Paper plant has a capacity of 250 tonnes per day. In Indonesia, paper plants with a capacity of 2000 to 4000 tonnes per day are quite common. The cost of good quality indigenous paper is Rs 2300 per tonne whereas Indonesian paper is available at Rs 1500 per tonne in the Indian market.

The contract of 1500 km LPG pipeline from Jamnagar to New Delhi has been bagged by Hyundai. The pipes will be brought from South Korea and laid in India. It is because of these reasons that companies based in India are showing 30 per cent “dumps” in their profits. Pakistan sold a lot of sugar to India compelling sugar industry associations to represent to the government to increase the import duty. When the import duty was raised. The Pakistan government granted subsidy to enable its manufacturers to sell sugar at cheaper rates.

These examples make it amply clear that recession can be eliminated by the government’s huge spending on demand-stimulating ventures by taking loans from the World Bank and other international institutions, and by preventing the flooding of the Indian market with foreign goods.

Encounter with Govt of India
by Anand Verma

“HAVE you seen Government of India?” Asking this somewhat befuddling question was someone I had just met at dinner. He had a couple before dinner. But, he looked perfectly sober.

I gave him a blank look. I certainly knew what Government of India was. But see it? I wasn’t sure what he was talking about.

“I have seen Government of India” he announced.

Well! I waited. Obviously there was more.

He proceeded to narrate a long, somewhat interesting tale, undoubtedly adding much salt and pepper as he went along. Was it convincing? Judge for yourself.

He was to go on leave. His hometown has a Regional Accounts Office. He was asked to get a long outstanding issue resolved at the accounts office during his leave. The case was time barred or some such and Government of India sanction was required.

So, armed with necessary documents, one fine day during his well earned leave, he reached the accounts office. After some asking he was directed to a table in a corner of a large room, behind which (the table I mean) sat a portly gentleman generally gazing intently at the patterns of peeling off paint on the wall opposite. My newly acquired dinner friend, let us call him “A” approached him and waited. It seemed like sacrilege to break the gentleman’s reverie. After a considerable while, he decided to take the plunge and hesitatingly and somewhat apologetically introduced himself. He was asked to sit down. “A” sat down and presented his case proffering the documents for scrutiny. The gentleman took the papers. Leafed through them pausing now and then. He seemed lost in thought. Then he asked “A” to go over the case again. “A” did so. The gentleman contemplated some more. The gentleman seemed absolutely fascinated by the pattern on that wall. Presently, the gentleman displaying tremendous will power managed to tear himself away from the wall, stirred, cleaned his glasses and got up from his chair. Now what?

The gentleman walked behind his table to a filing cabinet, and after a few tentative attempts, pulled out a dusty file from underneath several other files. He shook the file well removing some of the dust. “A” breathed in the dust smilingly and cursed his luck. The gentleman sat down again. A chaiwala in the meanwhile had placed a glass of tea on the table. The gentleman offered the tea to “A”. The offer was declined. There was only one small glass which was less than half filled, and the tea was the last thing on A’s mind at that time. The gentleman slowly and loudly slurped his tea and conducted a long distance conversation with a neighbour.

“A” was ready to scream.

Having done all that, the gentleman found time to read the file. After a while, he gave “A” a thoughtful look. Then read some more.

“Hmmm! So, you want Govt of India sanction.”

Bingo! “Yes, yes!” “A” almost shouted to drive home the point.

The gentleman seemed to have understood “A”. In almost slow motion, he took some blank sheets and carbon from a drawer, went to a nearby typewriter and typed, again at a somewhat leisurely pace. He read and re-read his handiwork a few times, removed the papers from the typewriter, arranged them and ambled across to another gentleman sitting in a room just off this large room. “A” had a view of the room, though it hardly was a “room with view”. This second gentleman appeared to be the first’s superior. They both talked for a while and looked at the file. Finally, the other gentleman appended his signatures to the freshly typed papers.

The first gentleman came back, sat down and shouted across someone called Raju to get him some paan quickly. Mercifully, he did not wait for the paan to arrive before transacting other business. He separated the sheets, and gave one copy to “A”.

It was a letter addressed to whoever, and after the usual officialese numbo jumbo, accorded sanction of Govt of India in the said case.

“A” was overcome with relief. His job was done. And he had seen Government of India in flesh and blood.

Awaiting Judgement
Who will try them, and where?

CHANDIGARH: It is impossible to guess when, and where, the trial of the five-year-old sensational double-murder case of Jatinder Pahal and Randhir Singh will be held, judging by the see-saw battle waged over the past three years by the suspect police officials and the prosecution about the transfer of the case to a court outside Haryana.

Jatinder and Randhir were allegedly liquidated in a fake police encounter on October 25,1994, at Butana Branch Canal near Ishapur Kher village in Sonepat district. Both of them were highly connected and their murder caused severe political tremors in Haryana.

The CBI, who investigated this ghastly incident, booked six Haryana cops in the case. They are former DGP Lachhman Dass, Jind CIA Inspector Nar Singh, 3rd Bn HAP Commandant at Hisar Ved Parkash Verma, former ASI Mangat Singh Gill and Constables Romesh Chander and Sube Singh.

Mr Lachhman Dass first preferred a petition in the Punjab and Haryana High Court on December 2,1996, seeking the transfer of the case from the CBI Special Judge at Ambala to his counterpart at Patiala.

In his 16-page petition the former DGP alleged that he had old enmity with the Haryana Chief Minister, Mr Bansi Lal. As Superintendent of Police at Hisar, he stated, he was asked by Mr Bansi Lal to cancel two cases registered against the son and brother-in-law of Mr Mani Ram Godara, the CM's staunch supporter and now Home Minister in his Cabinet.

The first case related to the beating up of Sub Inspector Milkha Singh. They were booked for offences under Sections 332 and 353, IPC. With a view to "upholding the dignity and morale of the police force," Mr Lachhman Dass maintained, he had declined to cancel the case.

The second case was slapped on them by the canal authorities under the Canal Act. The Chief Minister thought that Mr Lachhman Dass had got the case registered against them without any complaint. And when he went to Sirsa Canal House (where the Chief Minister

was camping) to explain the position, Mr Bansi Lal allegedly hurled abuses at him, ridiculed him and threatened him with dire consequences.

The petition added that all the ACRs of Mr Lachhman Dass for the period 1968 to 1975 — when Mr Bansi Lal was Chief Minister — were spoilt, notwithstanding the fact that he was on deputation with the Central Industrial Security Force at Durgapur and with the West Bengal Government from 1969 to 1971, where he has outstanding reports.

Mr Lachhman Dass alleged that he was a victim of Mr Bansi Lal's "continued vindictiveness." He had been receiving threats even after his retirement. The Chief Minister was "after his blood" and he apprehended that the State machinery or hired assassins may be used to eliminate him. Therefore, he urged the court that the trial of this case be transferred from Ambala to the CBI Special Judge at Patiala.

Mr Justice S.S.Sudhalkar, before whom the petition came up for hearing, held on August 12, 1997: "It can be seen that when justice demands this court cannot sit tight on technicalities and that even complaints received through written letters are treated as petitions. This court has in many cases granted protection to the needy persons. Therefore, when a retired police officer seeks transfer of his case under the fear of being eliminated and when the main person, that is, the mother of one of the deceased (Jatinder), has no objection to such transfer, there is no reason why this court should not grant the prayer of the petitioner... I find it proper to transfer the case to the court of the learned Sessions Judge at Patiala."

Pursuant to this order the case was transferred to the CBI Special Court at Patiala.On October 17,1997, Mr K.K. Garg, the then Presiding Officer of the court ( now Registrar of the High Court ), charge-sheeted Lachhman Das, Nar Singh, Romesh Chander, Sube Singh and Ved Parkash under Sections 120-B, read with 302, 193, 201 and 218, IPC. He also charge-sheeted Nar Singh and Romesh Chander under Section 302, IPC for murdering Jatinder and Randhir, and Mangat Singh Gill under Sections 193 and 218, IPC.

When the trial was about to start , the CBI assailed the High Court order before the Supreme Court on the ground, inter alia, that the mother of deceased Jatinder was not properly represented before the High Court.

Her own intervention application, "strongly opposing" the observation made by the High Court regarding her non-objection to the transfer, was allowed by the Supreme Court.

Holding that the reasons given by the High Court did not appeal to them, Mr Justice K. Venkataswami and Mr Justice M.Jaganadha Rao, ruled on May 12, 1998: "We are satisfied that there is no case for ordering the transfer and the order of transfer , therefore, stands set aside and the case will be tried by the learned District and Sessions Judge, Ambala, and if any protection to his person is required by the accused, the learned District and Sessions Judge will consider the same and pass appropriate orders."

Mr Lachhman Dass filed a review petition against this order. The petition is still pending before the apex court.

In the meantime, Nar Singh also preferred a separate petition in the Supreme Court, seeking the transfer of the case outside the region on the ground that he had a reasonable "apprehension of being kidnapped and murdered if the case is tried either in Haryana or Chandigarh or Delhi."

On December 11, 1998, the court issued notice to the CBI and ruled: "Meanwhile, there will be stay of further proceedings pending in RC-2(S)/SIC/IV/96, New Delhi in the court of the District and Sessions Judge, Ambala, Haryana, titled as State of Haryana CBI vs Nar Singh."

Since then the interim stay against the proceedings continues and the case is now listed for hearing on July 13, when the Supreme Court will reopen after the summer vacation.

CBI officials feel that the possibility of other suspects also moving the Court for the transfer of the trial cannot be ruled out.

Why, if the CBI is to be believed, did the Haryana cops liquidate Jatinder and Randhir?

The charge-sheet filed by the CBI in the court alleges that both of them were history-sheeters of Haryana. Jatinder was lodged in Ambala Jail from June 27 to December 26,1991. He was later shifted to Bhiwani Jail and remained incarcerated there from February 21, 1992, to August 28,1993, when Mr Lachhman Dass was Additional Director-General of Prisons.

On November 8,1991, while in Ambala Jail, Jatinder clashed with one Budh Ram alias Charanjit of Panchkula, who was friendly with Bunty, Mr Lachhman Dass' son. On November 19,1991, Bunty visited Ambala Jail and had heated arguments with Jatinder and both threatened each other with dire consequences.

Subsequently, Mr Lachhman Dass is alleged to have given instructions to the Deputy Commissioner of Bhiwani on May 20, 1993, to conduct a surprise raid on Bhiwani Jail and recover contraband items from Jatinder. Accordingly , Mr Devinder Singh, the then Additional Deputy Commissioner of Bhiwani, raided the jail on June 5, 1993, but no contraband item could be recovered either from Jatinder or any of the other inmates.

On August 17,1994, Mr Lachhman Dass took over as DGP and allegedly entered into a criminal conspiracy with the other suspects. He immediately shifted Nar Singh from State Vigilance Bureau to the CIA staff at Jind on August 24 and transferred the investigation of a complaint lodged by one Mr Rajender Kumar about the abduction of his brother Lekhu to Nar Singh. The investigation of this case revealed that Jatinder and Randhir were also involved in the abduction of Lekhu.

Jatinder was arrested on September 27, 1994, and was remanded in police custody until October 26. Randhir, too ,was arrested on October 20,1994, in another case and was remanded in police custody till October 25-- the day they were "liquidated".

On October 24, 1994, Nar Singh recorded an allegedly false disclosure statement of Jatinder and Randhir, showing their willingness to get recovered the ransom amount of Rs 50,000 and one fake number plate No. DL-IC-1609, alongwith three fired cartridges.

Around 5.30 p.m. Nar Singh and other constables took Jatinder and Randhir towards Sonepat for effecting the alleged recovery. When the vehicle in which they were travelling reached near Ishapur Kheri village, Nar Singh asked the driver to stop the vehicle.

Randhir was brought out of the vehicle, thrown on the ground and allegedly killed with a .12 bore magazine gun. Thereafter Jatinder Pahal was brought down and several shots pumped into him with a country made pistol (Katta). Both died on the spot. Their bodies were later deposited in the Civil Hospital at Gohana.

The autopsy conducted on the bodies of the deceased disclosed that they were shot dead from close range. Similar was the opinion of Dr R.K. Kaushal, Ballistic Expert,

Forensic Laboratory, Madhuban, who visited the place of occurrence.

Senior police officers who were associated with the investigation of the case at the initial stage before it was entrusted to the CBI say that both Jatinder and Randhir were hardened criminals. At the time of his murder Jatinder had as many as 17 criminal cases registered against him.

They revealed that Jatinder was convicted in an abduction and rape case and was sentenced to undergo imprisonment for seven years by the Sessions Judge, Jind (FIR No 190 dated August 22, 1985 under Sections 363/366/376/506/342/34, Sadar Police Station, Jind). They added that 16 cases were still pending against him. In these cases either the investigation was pending or he was an undertrial.

Similarly, Randhir was facing trial in 16 cases. In 13 of them, he had been declared a proclaimed offender. Two other cases were pending investigation.

Mrs Ishwarti Devi, 54-year old widowed mother of Jatinder, has, however, a different story to tell. She says that Jatinder was no ordinary boy. He had his schooling at the prestigeous Sanawar Public School and was placed in the merit list.

He did his graduation with good marks. Her grouse is that if Jatinder was guilty of any crime, the law ought to have been allowed to take its course. Had the court held him guilty and awarded him life imprisonment or even the death penalty, she would not have had any grudge.

The police had no right to kill him in a false encounter, she says.

75 YEARS AGO

“Plague and its prevention by Ignatia”
By Dewan Ramchand, MBBS, Lyallpur

AS plague is prevalent practically in the whole of the Punjab and people are in a state of perplexity, I deem it necessary that they should be made acquainted with a few simple, useful, practical and tried instructions.

1. Every person should tie Ignatia bean (Papita Rumi) around his right or left arm. A thread should be passed through a hole in the bean, bored for the purpose, and so applied that it should remain in constant friction with the skin.

2. Anti-plague pills (Pills of Ignatia 6.30) should be taken daily, two pills early in the morning on empty stomach and nothing in the way of food or tobacco be taken for at least half an hour after it.

In addition, a powder or a pill of one other medicine (also anti-plague) should be taken every week (say on Sundays in the morning — empty stomach) missing Ignatia pills on that day.

Both these medicines could be had from any homoeopathic pharmacy.

I do not claim any originality in bringing these medicines prominently before the public at large.

The above-mentioned medicines have been tried successfully several times especially by Dr M.L. Sircar of Calcutta and other homoeopathic physicians, so much so that even plague patients are treated with these remedies, especially when the attack is of a mild character.