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E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
![]() Saturday, May 22, 1999 |
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Beyond
the expulsion Democracy
wins in Nepal Violent
delight, violent end KOSOVO
CONFLICT Presidential
system is the answer |
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by Tavleen Singh DD
fails to get Ravi Shastris commentary Middle
riddle
Communal
leaders conference |
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Beyond the expulsion THE expulsion of Mr Sharad Pawar, Mr P. A. Sangma and Mr Tariq Anwar for six years from the party is on expected lines. It is basically a quick emotional response by the Congress Working Committee to a highly complex situation. The CWC apparently wanted to act decisively and firmly so that the fence-sitters within the Congress are not influenced by the rebels. Also, they did not wish to overlook the angry sentiments of Congress workers who had been flocking to 10 Janpath for the past three or four days seeking the withdrawal of the resignation by Mrs Sonia Gandhi as party president. Only time will tell to what extent the CWC was correct in taking this swift step. Indian politics, in any case, does not move along straight lines. It is a highly complicated phenomenon which does not fit in pre-conceived ideas. This has been the pattern of politics in recent years. The entire polity, for that matter, is in a state of flux. Realignment of political forces is very much on the cards. The expulsion of the trio will only add one more factor to the countrys political manthan. It is true that the public position taken by the three rebels is prompted by their short-term and long-term calculations. They have raised several inconvenient questions to which the party has reacted sharply. Theirs is a gamble and their success or failure will depend on how the Congress conducts itself in the crucial weeks ahead. Avoiding discussion on sensitive issues may not help. The answer to odd situations in politics has to be found dispassionately and objectively. Emotional responses are a poor substitute to shrewd counter-moves. Perhaps a better course for the Congress Working Committee would have been to issue a show-cause notice and allow hard feelings to subside. This is what some moderate leaders wanted. But the hardliners had their way. Apparently, they had their own compulsions and thought that visibly hard action might help them to keep the party united. This is a matter of perspective. The trouble with the Congress is that it does not have tested grassroots leadership that Indira Gandhi once symbolised. The party has been in the process of rebuilding itself and it needed a couple of years to take new shape. Much will again depend on Sonia Gandhis response. There will be a serious political vacuum if she sticks to her present position. The continuing
importance of the charisma factor in Indian politics
cannot be denied. It is a fact that Mrs Sonia Gandhi does
possess the charisma of belonging to the Nehru-Gandhi
family. That is the main reason why most Congress leaders
have reacted so emotionally. They constantly think of
their future in terms of electoral politics and that is
why they flock to the person who has the potential to win
elections. Be that as it may, Congressmen will do well to
know a thing or two about double-talk and double-think.
It is only the open mind that can help them face the
challenges ahead. They have to sift the ground realities
and attempt to evolve some coherent patterns in political
management and response system. It is equally pertinent
to remember that coterie politics can hardly help them to
apply the necessary correctives for a healthy growth of
the party and improve its overall functioning on
democratic lines. |
Democracy wins in Nepal PRIME MINISTER Girija Prasad Koiralas victory from both his traditional strongholds is not as significant as the impressive performance of the Nepali Congress under his leadership in the third general elections in the Himalayan Kingdom in nine years. The verdict reflects the peoples aversion to continued administrative instability born out of the coalition politics of opportunism. It may be too early to state that parliamentary democracy has at least struck firm roots in Nepal although the mandate suggests that the new dispensation introduced nine years ago, after a long struggle, is in robust health. In the overall context, nine years is a small period and the resultant political instability a small price to pay for making the people understand the value of their vote. Reports from Kathmandu suggest that the basic concern of the people, after the restoration of multi-party democracy in 1990, in place of the Palace dominated system of Panchayati Raj, was to give themselves a stable political option of governance. In this election, the people seem to have discovered the power of their vote and overwhelmingly rejected the politics of coalition by giving the Nepali Congress an absolute majority to rule. The biggest sufferers have been the kingmakers of the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party in the dissolved House. Their number of seats in the new Parliament has dropped to single digit. In the run-up to the
general elections Prime Minister Koiralas biggest
worry was the threat of violence by the Maoists who in
March had killed a United Marxist Leninist member of the
dissolved House. He had promised not to allow anti-India
activity from Nepalese soil and had appealed to the
Indian government to check the entry of infiltrators for
disrupting elections. The good news is that the two
neighbours kept their promise and poll violence in Nepal
did not grab the headlines. An interesting aspect of the
restoration of multi-party democracy in Nepal is the
strong presence of the Left parties in what is often
called the only Hindu Kingdom in the world. In the
current elections the United Marxist-Leninist party has
emerged as the second largest after the Nepali Congress.
Overall the Left parties do not seem to have as strong a
presence in secular India as they have in Hindu Nepal. Mr
Man Mohan Adhikari had the rare distinction of heading
the first Communist government in the Himalayan Kingdom.
The Lefts acceptability at the grassroots level in
Nepal is significant because of the popular view that
Communism is both anti-religion and anti-monarchy. To
understand the Nepalese phenomenon, it is essential to
separate Hinduism from Hindutva. Hinduism, perhaps, is to
Nepal what Islam is to Turkey. Islamic Turkey does not
allow religion to dirty its secular Constitution. |
Violent delight, violent end MR Asif Ali Zardari has been occasionally referred to in Pakistan as a progressive businessman and almost consistently described as a ruthless manipulator, a corrupt politician and a former incompetent minister. The husband of Ms Benazir Bhutto has never been out of the limelight since his marriage to the late Zulfikar Ali Bhuttos daughter on December 18, 1987. General Zia-ul-Haq had ousted Bhutto in a military coup in 1977 and hanged him in 1979. Ms Bhutto and Mr Zardari have lived in a twilight zone of Pakistani politics for their own specific reasons but defended each other fiercely, often being branded as fellow-criminals. Now when Mr Zardari is accusing the Nawaz Sharif regime of torturing and trying to murder him, Ms Bhutto is petitioning US President Bill Clinton from her shelter in Dubai to restrain the tormentors and save her husbands life. And the global super supreme court interventionist is unable to influence the course of the Zardari case in any manner. The Pakistani government puts forth a queer mixture of truth and lies. It says that Mr Zardari tried to commit suicide during an interrogative session by attempting to cut his throat with a piece of broken glass. The government hospital found the convict-cum-suspect bleeding profusely from the mouth because of a major tongue injury! Ms Bhutto and her supporters cry torture to cause murder. Coincidentally, Mr Zardari is being kept in solitary confinement in connection with a double murder case which should not be confused with the charge of killing Ms Bhuttos estranged brother Murtaza. Among the various cases
of corruption against the former Prime Minister and him
is the one in which both have been sentenced recently to
five years in jail and fined 8.6 million dollars. One
must not forget the moments of arrogance and
impure jubilation when Mr Zardari, then a
minister, went into a series of celebrations even when
President Farooq Ahmed Leghari was trying to seek
clarifications from Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto
regarding media reports about her husband acquiring a
350-acre estate in Surrey for over £ 2 million and an
apartment in Londons Mayfair area. The unverified
tales of Swiss bank accounts made the rich and famous
couple an object of envy all over the wealthy world. What
is happening today is not strange. Nobody knows it better
than Ms Bhutto or Mr Nawaz Sharif that murder and
ill-gotten wealth have nothing surprising about them in
Pakistan. But then, in Allahs limitless kingdom,
nemesis is an inevitable thing. The sooner the rulers of
the land and the fugitive former Prime Minister realise
this fact, the better it would be for the people for whom
our hearts still bleed. Mr Zardari must get justice but
his wife and he should remember the Bard: Violent
delights have violent ends...... |
THE NATO bombing of Yugoslavia has entered the second month, with the countrys economy having been reduced to rubbles. With both Russian envoy Chernomyrdin and Secretary-General Kofi Annan trying to work out a settlement, hopefully the bombing would cease soon. The NATO intervention in Kosovo was soon followed by its 50th anniversary at Washington when NATO leaders came out with a new strategic concept whereby NATO could intervene in volatile regions beyond their borders. NATOs intervention in Kosovo itself and its intensive bombing on Serb cities were without the UN authorisation and the new NATO doctrine does not also require the UN backing to its proposed role. More importantly, NATO has come out with a new doctrine of war which is nuclear-oriented since it has affirmed that conventional forces alone cannot ensure credible deterrence and nuclear weapons remained essential to preserve peace. NATO has also quite categorically asserted that there will be no adherence to the no-first-use principle as it would tempt its adversary to launch aggression against it. The no-first-use principle in any countrys nuclear doctrine thereby gets a permanent burial. Russia has been exercising restraint, not by choice, but forced by the dire economic chaos in the country. Russia announced that it was revising its military doctrine to face the new threat from NATOs intervention in Yugoslavia. Plans for dismantling whole Soviet missiles were reportedly abandoned and development of advanced nuclear weapons authorised. President Yeltsin declared that the entire technological chain of the nuclear weapons complex, from the scientific research in the field of nuclear weapons to carry out nuclear tests, to production of such weapons would be taken up. These expected developments in the Russian defence doctrine, in response to NATOs intervention in Yugoslavia and its subsequent announcement of a new aggressive defence philosophy for NATO, seems to have ended any hope for nuclear disarmament in the foreseeable future. Thereby within a period of two months, at the turn of the second millennium, the NATO powers, led by President Clinton and British Premier Tony Blair, have drastically changed the strategic climate in Europe. After eight rounds of talks between Foreign Minister, Jaswant Singh, and American Deputy Secretary of State, Talbott, the negotiations have not made any worthwhile progress. The present political atmosphere in the country, after the dissolution of Parliament, the question of signing the CTBT by September is out of the question. Signing the CTBT or any of other treaty pertaining to fissile material or missile production and deployment etc., has to be reviewed afresh in the wake of the NATO nuclear doctrine and the Russian announcement of a revised nuclear programme. The extensive use of cruise missiles in Yugoslavia has also added a new dimension to the doctrine of war, with the indispensability of missile technology, both for tactical and strategic use having been clearly demonstrated. India has been trying to come out with its own nuclear doctrine in the near future but it would certainly call for extensive rethinking and revision in the light of the recent developments in Yugoslavia, and the neo-nuclear doctrine of NATO and the decision of Russia to revise its nuclear programme. There is an even more sinister twist to the Kosovo intervention. Speaking to the American public soon after the bombing commenced on March 24, President Clinton said that the intervention in Yugoslavia was a moral imperative and important to American national interests. British Prime Minister Tony Blair was even more emphatic in justifying the extensive bombing of Yugoslavia in the cause of human rights. The Kosovars who were once considered terrorists and communists have since come close to NATO and in any future settlement the secessionist KLA would play an active role. It is quite clear that Kosovo would become a protectorate preparatory to becoming an independent state after a year or two. President Clinton and his NATO allies seem to be committing a historic blunder in Europe which will have serious consequences in the third millennium. After Bosnia, Kosovo is all set to emerge as another independent Muslim country, in spite of all the protestations made by NATO that their ultimate aim is only to ensure the autonomy of Kosovo. Albania is no more a Communist state as it is fast turning into an Islamic country. The emergence of three Muslim countries at the heart of Europe is an important development in European history, after the Ottoman Turks were pushed out of the area more than three centuries ago. Clinton spoke of historic fault-lines in the Balkans but were they also not civilisational fault lines, as defined by Prof Samuel P. Huntington? Huntingtons fault line is drawn right over Bosnia and Kosovo in the European map sheet in his article, and the conflict between Western and Islamic civilisations had been going on for 1300 years, according to him. Huntington foresees the eventual convergence of Confucian (read Chinese) and Islamic interests to counter the military power of the West. Are the Americans and NATO unwittingly sowing the seeds of such an eventual linkup? Time will tell. It took 30 years for Robert McNmara to confess about Americas blunder in Vietnam. We were wrong, terribly wrong. This confession could hardly mitigate the tragic tribulations of the Vietnamese people for more than two decades. Clinton, who was against Americas intervention in Vietnam, has now emerged as the hero of Western machismo unleashing a cruel war on a sovereign nation. When would he come out with his confession? Some observers have seen the traces of a Clinton Doctrine in his Serbian venture, the essence of which is that America would fight against ethnic cleansing and slaughter of innocent people. An American commentator has dismissed it saying that it is not a policy at all but righteous self-delusion. The danger is such righteous self-delusion has the potential of affecting the lives of other nations. In its lead editorial two days after NATO started the attack, the Economist asked, How would the West respond if one day China, say, were to carry out air strikes against an Indian government fighting to prevent its Muslim-majority province of Jammu and Kashmir from seceding? So it is a scenario which could not be totally excluded from the realm of possibility. Pakistan has indeed drawn a parallel between the Kosovo crisis and the Kashmir situation and along with other Muslim countries, supported the NATO attack on Serbia. A leading American
weekly came out with an editorial recently saying that it
was incumbent upon the USA to clarify its policy of
humanitarian interventionism. Is the USA the
defender of last resort of every minority anywhere in the
world? Is it willing to sacrifice good relations with
Russia and China, both of whom have restive minorities,
for a foreign policy of unfettered global moralism?
The US intervention in Yugoslavia can hardly be described
as humanitarian interventionism. The description of USA
as the bandit sheriff by Pascal Boniface, Director of the
Institute de Relations Internationales et Strategiques,
Paris, seems more appropriate. Be that as it may, the
presence of restive minorities in our own
country constitutes sufficient cause for anxiety and the
need for eternal watch. |
Presidential system is the answer AGAIN and again the nation is witness to the ludicrous spectacle of ageing politicians doing arithmetic sums like tiny-tots in a kindergarten class. There is only a temporary respite from the numerical skulduggery that accompanied the defeat of the Vajpayee government. The tamasha will resume when a new government is to be formed after the elections. Is this the way to govern a huge, polyglot nation beset with endemic problems of poverty and socio-economic injustice? India needs a strong, stable government which can take bold decisions with alacrity and implement them expeditiously. Since in a parliamentary democracy a government draws legitimacy from numerical superiority in the lower house of a bicameral legislature, the resultant numbers game inevitably injects an element of instability into the political system. Experience shows that this inbuilt instability gets accentuated, manifesting itself in centrifugal tendencies, if ruling formations are based on coalition politics. Therefore, India should switch over to some variant of the presidential system. A constituent assembly should be called for the purpose. This opinion has been expressed more than once by none other than Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee. A number of other eminent persons have also expatiated on the need to go in for a presidential system. They include former President Venkataraman, former Speaker Shivraj Patil, noted jurist Nani Palkhivala, former Union Minister Vasant Sathe and Murli Manohar Joshi, Human Resource Development Minister, in the caretaker BJP-led government. The quintessence of their thinking is that experience has shown that the parliamentary form of government is inferior to the presidential system in various ways. One, because of the instability built into the system, a lot of time and energies of the leader of the parliamentary party (or coalition) holding the reins of power are frittered away in keeping the flock together in order to survive in power, with the result that governance suffers. Two, striking of political deals, not unoften involving wheeling and dealing, vitiates the atmosphere and lowers standards of public probity and accountability. Three, this also not unoften leads to unwieldy and top-heavy governments with creation of sinecure posts because of the compulsion to placate a large number of aspirants with the loaves and fishes of office, resulting in wastage of public funds. Four, post-election hobnobbing and hopping by elected representative from one side to another in other words, defection is tantamount to flouting the mandate given to them by the voter, who cast his ballot in their favour because he believed them to be representing a particular position. This violates the ethics of democracy. Five, in a parliamentary system it is difficult to have a government of talents because those who get elected do not represent the best talent available in the country. We adopted the British system of parliamentary government. It has worked more or less satisfactorily in that country, for two reasons. Britain has traditionally had only two major political parties, Conservative and Labour, the third one Liberal Democrats coming on the scene only in the recent past. Before 1906, the year the Labour Party was born, there were principally two parties the Whigs and the Tories. Secondly, a fairly high level of literacy in that country has been conducive to a greater degree of political morality and ideological commitment, which means less horse-trading, less defection and less political wheeling-dealing. In India, neither of these two conditions obtain. The American and the French presidential systems are often mentioned as possible examples for this country. Under both the systems, the President is elected by direct universal suffrage and exercises executive power. Some feel that the French system might be better for Indian conditions because under it the President shares executive power with a Prime Minister, who is appointed by him and who, along with his Cabinet, is responsible to the National Assembly. Those sceptical about a presidential system point out that in a largely illiterate country like India concentration of so much power in the hands of one individual may lead to dictatorship. Such scepticism needs to be tempered by facts. In the USA, the system of checks and balances, with sufficient powers vested in the Congress, which acts as a counterweight to the chief executive, has functioned quite effectively, so that American Presidents have generally enjoyed less untrammelled power than some runaway Indian Prime Ministers. In the earlier years
after Independence, the inbuilt instability of the
parliamentary system was not visible because of the
dominant position enjoyed by the Indian National Congress
under Jawaharlal Nehru. But ever since the Congress Party
lost its monolithic position in Indian politics, the
numbers game has often degenerated into bizarre
happenings, besmirching the political scene at both the
central and state levels. |
Middle riddle MORE out of modesty than sincerity, please permit me to admit that Im made of middlebrow stuff, whatever that means. And I believe this to be reason enough to attempt this middle about matters middle, not necessarily middling . Let me assure that this has nothing to do with midsummer madness. No, not Shakespearian! Middle is meaningful. Middle is magical. It is often mysterious and mirthful. It has a ring to it. It has a zing to it. Neither big nor small, neither good nor bad, neither high nor low, it rests regally betwixt and between. A newspaper middle revels in banter and burlesque. And much more. Middle marks moderation. Middle Path was the hallmark of Buddhism which spread far and wide, thrived across the continents and outlived many a religion in time and space. It preached the path of the golden mean. Though an overdose of Buddhism, inter alia, led The Mauryan empire to its decline and fall. Modern-day management concepts lay great store by the middle-of -the-road counsel. Without trivialising the tissue of issues, Tommy Lasroda, an American baseball manager confessed: Managing is like holding a dove in your hand . Squeeze too hard and you kill it; not hard enough and it flies away. Female fashion buffs would recall the following which the apparel midi commanded whereas the maxi and the mini (skirt) had a limited clientele, though unlimited (sex) appeal! Our culture is yet to find its moorings somewhere between the maxima and the minima. Belonging to the Great Indian Middle Class (GIMC) is as romantic as any. Pavan K. Verma , the quintessential diplomat turned essential writer, has in GIMC, blatantly blamed the ever expanding middle class for the mess we as a nation state or as a nation market, find ourselves in today. As a class, the middle class defies definition. There are many a middle within the middle class. Your guess is as good as mine, though Bernard Shaw believed a middle class person to be possessed of a moderately useful education, a moderately decent job, a moderately beautiful wife and a moderately honest life. Any takers? Middle age is another riddle of the middle. The hardest decision for a woman to make is when to start middle age. The surest sign of middle age is the sudden discovery that you have become contemporary with all the wrong people. Given the growing generation gap, the middle -age-spread tends to transport you towards the Middle Ages. Have heart, my dear. Life begins at 40. Let sobriety be my middle name as I graze the golden mean of life. This is the time when man is most creative. Though a little less procreative! Armed with both education and experience, he has the benefit of both retrospect and prospect. So make the most of it. Before it is too late. |
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