July 12, 2003, Chandigarh, India
One more step
Boost for reforms
Einstein as a criminal
The past as propaganda
Our colony offshore
A bumpy road from Doha to Cancun
One more step
THE uncertainty about the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit is over. It will now be held in Islamabad from January 4 under an agreement reached at the SAARC Standing Committee meeting in Kathmandu. Behind-the-scenes consultations between India and Pakistan on the date and the venue facilitated the decision. It implies that India has overcome its hesitation to accept Islamabad as the next venue. It should be seen as one more initiative India has taken to normalise its relations with the neighbouring country. It is a mere coincidence that the day the seven-member SAARC cleared the Pakistani proposal to host the summit, Pakistan's new envoy presented his credentials to the President. If anything, this shows that, one by one, India has been dismantling all the roadblocks in Indo-Pak relations.
However, it is difficult to say the same about Pakistan. For instance, Mr Aziz Ahmed Khan, the new High Commissioner of Pakistan, has sought to make a distinction between airlinks and overflights. He knows only too well that India has been keen on resuming overflights, the suspension of which has caused enormous loss to both countries. Needless to say, such quibbling will not help restore bilateral relations. Compared to other regional organisations like ASEAN, SAARC has been rich in rhetoric and poor in results. Trade among the member nations is not even a fraction of its potential. Suspicion of one another is at the root of the problem. There is no denying that the differences between India and Pakistan have stood in the way of the smooth functioning of the Association. Pakistan is afraid of exposing its market to Indian goods while it pays through its nose to import the same type of goods from other countries. The very purpose of setting up SAARC was to give an impetus to trade relations among the member countries. Unfortunately, Pakistan often saw it as a forum to ventilate its viewpoint on Kashmir. The coming months will prove whether Pakistan really believes in regional cooperation and such concepts as free trade and preferential trade as contained in agreements like SAPTA and SAFTA.
While sending positive messages, India also expects the military regime in Pakistan to take steps to stop the flow of terrorists into the country. It would be recalled that it was a series of terrorist attacks that culminated in the attacks on the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly and Parliament that forced India to take steps described in some quarters as part of coercive diplomacy. It is hoped Pakistan will show a greater sense of responsibility and prevent incidents that can jeopardise the ongoing normalisation process in Indo-Pak relations.
Boost for reforms
ASTRING of recent reports from the economic front have spread cheer all round. First, Maruti Udyog successfully completed its mega public issue, which triggered public interest in the primary market after a long dull period. As its shares were traded at a hefty premium to the offer price, the stock markets got a boost. The better-than-expected results from IT giant Infosys Technologies announced on Thursday have given a positive signal and hinted at the possible revival of technology stocks.
Encouraged by the Maruti Udyog disinvestment experiment, the Cabinet Committee on Disinvestment decided on Thursday to sell the remaining government shares in five other companies through public offers. The five companies are VSNL, IPCL, BALCO, CMC and IBP. For quite sometime now, the reforms process had come to an end and few expected any new government initiatives in view of the coming general election. Despite occasional hiccups, disinvestment, it seems, is back on the government agenda. The proposed selloff of the government stake in the strategic oil PSUs had evoked protests from certain quarters and one thought it would be difficult to bring the reforms process in this sector back on the rails. There is more good news from other quarters. The monsoon so far has been extremely kind. Even Rajasthan has not been ignored this time and its politicians are assessing the rain effect on the coming Assembly elections. However, Orissa is still waiting for rain. A good monsoon means good crops that will lift farm incomes which, in turn, will boost demand for industrial goods. The overall effect on the economy is very positive and one can hope for a significantly higher GDP growth this fiscal.
The global recession has also worked to India’s advantage: outsourcing business is flowing in and multinational companies have been forced to shift jobs to cheaper locations like India and China. Microsoft and Oracle are the latest to announce such job movements despite opposition from select states in the US. The foreign financial institutions too seem bullish on India. In the last one month or so, FIIs have made significant investments in the Indian stock markets as is evident from the continuous rise in the BSE sensex. So good times are here once again.
Einstein as a criminal
THE role of the mob in the evolution of the US as the most powerful nation is no longer in doubt. Without it, America may have been a nation of ordinary people. A psychological study by the University of Canterbury in New Zealand, apart from providing circumstantial evidence about America’s greatness being rooted in its criminal past, has also established amazing similarities in the career graphs and behaviour patterns of geniuses and criminals. Creative genius and criminal tendency express themselves early in men but both are turned off almost like a tap after marriage and children. What psychologist Satoshi Kanazawa discovered after analysing 280 biographies of geniuses was known to Albert Einstein way back in 1942, that “a person who has not made his great contribution to science before the age of 30 will never do so”. The same goes for the fascinating world of crime.
The study found that a genius gone astray ends up becoming a great criminal. Lucky Luciano, who died of a so-called heart attack in 1962 just before he was to travel to Rome, where he planned to meet a Spanish film producer for a movie on his amazing blood-spattered career, may have been as great a genius as the 280 studied by Kanazawa had he gone to school. Einstein would have made a remarkable criminal had his genius not found the outlet that saw him being acclaimed as a great scientist but a poor husband. Kanazawa’s study explains why geniuses and criminals are more at home with their mistresses and out of place in their homes where their wives and children too come into the frame. The message, if any, is loud and clear. You have only the adult part of your 30 years to prove your worth as a genius or a mafia don. Women as wives demand a huge slice of the limited time at your disposal. So don’t bite the apple of matrimony for the world to remember you for your deeds or misdeeds.
Thought for the day
Genius is one per cent inspiration, ninety-nine per cent perspiration.
The past as propaganda
THE main title of this article is borrowed from a paper by Bettina Arnold in the British Archaeology Magazine of July-August 1992. It was purely coincidental, of course, that the paper was published barely five months before the Babri Masjid’s demolition. However, the subject of the paper —manipulation or misuse of the past for political purposes in Nazi Germany - is not entirely without relevance to a current Indian controversy.
This, it must be made clear straightaway, is not to cast undue aspersions on the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) and its assignment in Ayodhya. It will certainly be unfair to prejudge the findings of the court-ordered excavation here. It will be unwise, however, to miss the point made by the German parallel. Or two points, to be precise.
The analogy, in the first place, applies directly to the defenders of the demolition, who see and set a specific task for archaeology in Ayodhya. Secondly, and more importantly, by exposing hate-peddlers’ use for history in a classic case, it shows the pointlessness of the ASI exercise. No results can be expected to vindicate the exercise, when its very rationale can only create more Ayodhyas.
The first point finds an illustration for Ayodhya-watchers in the American archaeologist’s recapitulation of the Nazi forays into her field for the cause of cultural (and racial) nationalism. Notes she: “The concept of the Kulturkreis, pioneered by the linguist-turned-prehistorian Gustav Kossinna in the 1920s and defined as the identification of ethnic regions on the basis of excavated material culture, lent theoretical support to Nazi expansionist aims in central and eastern Europe. Wherever an artifact of a type designated as “Germanic” was found, the land was declared to be ancient Germanic territory.” Strikingly similar is the archaeological evidence — some artifacts and “pillar bases” supposedly uncovered in Ayodhya — claimed in support of the site’s status as a holy territory reserved by history for a Ram temple.
Bettina Arnold does not have Ayodhya in mind, either, when she recalls also the Nazi archaeologists’ quest for the remains of an imagined temple of the Teutonic past in Externsteine, a natural sandstone formation in northern Germany. “The site was described in numerous publications as a monument to German unity and the glorious Germanic past, despite the fact that no convincing evidence of a temple or Germanic occupation of the site was ever found.”
There is little doubt that failure to find evidence of an old Ram temple at the disputed Ayodhya site will not dampen the spirits of our demolitionists, either. Only the other day, Mr Seshadri Chari, Editor of RSS weekly Organiser, told a television audience that the ASI was betraying symptoms of a “secular syndrome” in failing to interpret the “pillar bases” immediately as corroboration of the “parivar” case, and that evidence of “any structure” below the Babri rubble should be a vindication and victory for his camp.
The absurdity of the idea may be obvious. Unfortunately, however, it is not apparent to many that, even if the evidence they claim is indeed unearthed, it will not vindicate the campaign to enshrine virulent communalism forever in Ayodhya. No results of the excavation will warrant revanchism, historical revenge as a way of national life.
The point needs to be made, not because of any possibility of the “parivar” proving its claim. And it is not as if only rains could save the secularist case from the ASI’s spades and shovels. Technical pleas against rushing the ASI on this — such as the prolonged time needed for an archaeological excavation of properly verified procedures — are valid enough. They do not testify to apprehensions in the opposite camp with no paucity of professional historians and archaeologists.
The few and feeble attempts made before to lend archaeological legitimacy to the Ayodhya campaign have already been exposed as punditry of a mendacious, politically motivated kind. Eminent historian Irfan Habib has, in a recent newspaper interview, cited serious grounds for believing that the few sculptures and the inscribed slab sought to be produced as signs of a temple, besides the “pillar bases”, had been planted at the site. As for the “pillar bases”, the work of their discoverer B.B. Lal, who was also the first to suggest in 1990 a relocation of the Babri Masjid to facilitate his archaeological mission, has been found worthless by several experts.
The “parivar” leaders pretend not to have noticed prominent historian K.M. Shrimali and others casting serious doubts on, if not disproving, the discovery of any “pillar bases”. The fragmentary finds made of “haphazardly laid” brickbat, on expert analysis, are considered more likely to have been parts of the walls of a fortification. Shrimali has pointed out that these “structural remnants” were not all contemporaneous, but belonged to “at least five sequential phases”.
The point about the pointlessness of the ASI exercise, regardless of the results, still needs to be made. This is because the exercise itself is an important gain for the “parivar”, again regardless of the results. That a court has ordered it, and an anxious country awaits the outcome, is itself a victory for the politics of the past as propaganda. The implicit assumption is that the destruction of the Babri Masjid would be vindicated if it is demonstrated to be an act of historical vendetta.
The country’s highest forum of historians has sounded a dire warning against the dangers of this assumption being accepted, and the warning deserves repetition. The first post-Babri Indian History Congress in 1993, in a resolution adopted by an overwhelming majority, strongly opposed the adoption of the principle that “a monument can be destroyed or removed if there are any grounds for assuming that a religious structure of any other community had previously stood at its site”.
“Such a post facto rationalisation, it added, “will place in jeopardy the fate of numerous historical monuments all over the country, an increasing number of which are being targeted for destruction by the communal forces.”
It is not only on archaeological issues that such an alarm needs to be sounded. What must be opposed more fundamentally is the adoption and acceptance of the principle, politics and philosophy of revanchism on the specious ground that it rights a historical wrong. It is as absurd a principle as the one under which, say, Oriyas of today are called upon to settle scores with the Biharis to avenge the killings of King Ashoka’s Kalinga war. Will revived memories of Chera-Pandya-Chola battles rationalise internecine conflicts in South India? Will the history of the early Jains’ persecution under some Hindu kings warrant a retaliatory movement? Vendettas can be no way of life for any country, least of all for one of India’s long and labyrinthine history.
Bettina Arnold, in her paper, says that “the legacy of the Faustian bargain struck by German archaeologists with the Nazi regime should serve as a cautionary tale beyond the borders of a unified Germany”. And beyond, one might add, the archaeologists’ community. Digging for history cannot be equated with digging for
Our colony offshore
THE British have never lived down the heydays of the Raj, when the Empire was at the high noon and the tiny isle had colonised areas as far afield as Africa, Asia and China. Today, the tables seem to have turned and our halcyon days are here, as Indians have conquered Britain with their invasive strategies of curries, tandoori, samosas, kurtas, silks, pashminas, brassware, durries, textiles, Indo-Anglian literature, words in the Hobson Jobson and above all the inundation of migrants.
In atypical old sepia photographs of the Raj at its zenith, one sees the Indian landscape dotted with the odd English man, essentially the Brown Sahib lording over native subjects. contrarily today, the British landscape brims with Indians in areas like Southhall, Wembley, Bradford, Hounslow. One can spot the odd English man among a sea of Indian faces who now sticks out like a sore thumb on his own soil.
On arrival in Britain at Heathrow airport one is received by our village “babas” and “bijis”, the only difference is the apparel they don. Quite ill at ease in trouser suits or western dresses, they welcome us in chaste Punjabi as they direct us to fall into the immigration queues. In fact, the queues of British citizens have large numbers of Indians, most of whom are repositories of culture as they froze with the time they immigrated from India. Interestingly, the immigration officer endeavours and fumbles with Indian dialect like his ancestors of yore of the “koi hai” days, only this time on his own turf. If they were to come to life today they would be astounded at their countrymen welcoming natives on to the English soil.
On the roads most of the transport system, whether the buses plying or taxi cabs available, are largely driven by Asian drivers. The British no longer screw their noses up at the “stench” of Indian curries, as they used to do when the early immigrants settled into housing areas. Today’s Englishman would rather savour and devour Indian food to make up for the loss of centuries of colonial rule, when they were victims of acute diarrhoea, some fatally so, as the innumerable epitaphs in erstwhile colonial graveyards reflect.
During the Independence movement we made bonfires of British textiles. Today, the British shopping arcades showcase haute couture highlighted with Indian embroideries and sequin work. The trendiest footwear is Indian chappals. Most of the apparel we take for granted as it lies in bulk at the Janpath walk is absolutely chic for the British.
In fact, the ultimate feast for the Brits is tandoori food, tapping to bhangra, dressed in an Indian Jaipuri skirt or sleeping on beautiful Indian textiles amidst Shyam Ahuja durries, seeing “Bend it like Beckham” dreaming “Bombay Dreams,” not to forget the Bollywood festival held at Selfridges on Regent Street, last summer.
Contemporary British reading lists are replete with Arundhati Roy and Vikram Seth, whereas in top academic slots the Indians are vying with each other. In contemporary Britain, the vestiges of the Raj are visible in memorabilia, novels, TV programmes for the Rajphiles to revel in the dreamlike past. The finale to a British sojourn evokes a sense of elation and dare I say a satiety of scores settled, as the Raj is done and dusted. Did I finally hear some Brown Sahib do a somersault in a graveyard somewhere in Kasauli as the sun sets?
A bumpy road from Doha to Cancun
THE road to the exotic Mexican tourist haven of Cancun for the 5th Ministerial Round of World Trade Organisation (WTO) negotiations is bumpy. The vision of a distortion-free global multilateral trading system is far from being realised as trade ministers of 146 member countries of the WTO prepare for another set of brainstorming in September. The theoretical foundations of a globally administered free trade regime are rooted in the fundamental notion that free movement of goods and services across territorial frontiers will lead to an increase in incomes for all concerned. The definitional truism of this theory, however, has been hard to replicate in the real world where compulsions of political economy have brought about a sharp North-South divide. And with little over six weeks left for the meet, a feeling is gaining ground that the North-South polarisation could in fact assume even more dangerous proportions.
Before dealing with the finer details of the discussions likely to take place in Cancun, a few facts need to be in order to put the issue in perspective. The meeting will take place in the backdrop of the Doha round of negotiations. The Doha round was significant in one basic aspect. It took place in the aftermath of September 11, 2001 as the US and European Union (EU) cooperated to push through an agenda (known as the Doha Development Agenda) for limited trade negotiations.
Since then much water has flown through the Thames, the Rhine and the Euphrates resulting in major trade conflicts between the US and the EU. The close personal relationship between US Trade Representative Robert Zoellick and EU Trade Commissioner Pascal Lamy notwithstanding, the present contextual positions between Doha and Cancun are quite different.
In 2001, the US and the EU shared a common position on terrorism and Afghanistan, and Washington had not yet imposed a 40 per cent protective tariff on steel imports and passed on its $100 billion in subsidies to American farmers. Moreover, unlike 2001, France and the US did not share the same views to bring about “freedom” to Iraqis.
The Doha Development Agenda (DDA) had agreed on finalising the modalities for agricultural trade negotiations by March 31, 2003. Although the deadline has been missed despite hectic parleys in Geneva, it is now certain that agriculture will come in the realm of the multilateral trading system. The roadmap laid down at Doha envisaged that the Cancun negotiations would discuss ways and means to eliminate trade distortionary measures.
For an aggrarian economy such as India, the issues are multifold — reducing export subsidies, providing greater access to markets and reducing, if not removing, domestic support to farmers. In addition India and other developing countries are calling for negotiations on non-trade concerns and special and differential (S&D) treatment for developing countries.
The developing countries have called for a reduction, if not elimination, of export subsidies and a strong in-built mechanism to prevent side-stepping WTO-mandated norms through food aid, subsidised export credits and state trading enterprises.
To begin with, India wants a 50 per cent reduction in export subsidies by the developed world as a form of down payment, which will eventually pave the way for completely eliminating measures having a specified time-period. Furthermore, India is advocating the cause of providing additional flexibility for developing countries, which will allow these countries to provide product specific subsidies and marketing.
India’s contention is that agriculture is a way of life in many developing countries and faster growth of the farm sector is of critical importance for fulfilling the basic developmental objectives of poverty elimination and food security. In many developing countries the rural economy is the single largest employer (in India it is 70 per cent) and is a significant contributor to the national income. Farm productivity in such countries is low due to structural inefficiencies such as small unirrigated land holdings and a low level of farm mechanisation. A majority of the farmers in countries like India are involved in subsistence land farming, and consequently their participation in international trade is quite marginal. Given such characteristic inefficiencies and minimal presence of export subsidies, the domestic farm policies as these exist today (the public distribution system for instance) cannot be considered as trade distortionary.
The issues relating to domestic support to agriculture have been put by the WTO into three boxes - the amber box, the green box and the blue box. The amber box mandates that subsidies that distort trade must be reduced; the green box, on the other hand, envisages that subsidies having minimal distortion of trade can continue without limits; and the blue box has all the exemptions to the general rule that all subsidies linked to production must be reduced.
For India and other agrarian developing countries, the Green Box of the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) is of paramount importance as it addresses issues pertaining to food security. The Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) in its paper on issues at stake relating to agricultural development, trade and food security has concluded: “significant progress in promoting economic growth, reducing poverty and enhancing food security cannot be achieved in most of these countries without developing more fully the potential capacity of the agriculture sector and its contribution to overall economic development”.
The Green Box in its present form does not directly address the concerns of the developing world - especially in view of the fact that diverse structural bottlenecks are prevalent in the farm economy of these countries. Observers point out that most of the norms are specifically tailored for the developed countries. It does not, for instance, have provisions for the general development of agriculture, including its diversification in developing countries. To cite an example input subsidies given by developing countries for crops wherein productivity levels are below the world average should be covered under the Green Box. India has, therefore, said that a more flexible mechanism should be built into the Green Box which will allow developing countries to administer such policies.
This is where the argument for special and differential (S&D) treatment to developing countries comes to the fore. Although the WTO does recognise the need for S&D treatment for developing countries, there is no unanimity among the countries themselves on the grounds on which S&D treatment should be accorded. India and Nigeria, for instance, have emphasised food security in developing countries while some others have identified easier access to developed markets as the concern.
The debate on market access has also entered a crucial phase. With the elimination of quantitative restrictions, many member countries are resorting to import quotas as a measure of domestic support. Quotas were created to allow imports at a low rate and very high rates outside the quota. The negotiations today are on reducing tariffs outside the quotas as well as reducing the size of the quotas, the rates within the quotas and the way the quotas are administered. India has proposed that developed countries should make a down payment by immediately bringing down their tariff bindings by 50 per cent.
Primarily, the standoff in the WTO revolves around four fundamental questions:
* Whether different sets of rules should be established for developed and developing countries that would partly exempt the latter from commitments under the AoA ?
* Is allowing more flexibility for developing countries to protect and support their domestic production (especially with regard to staples and food security crops) the best way to deal with their weaknesses?
* Or is further liberalisation flanked with some flexibility is more effective?
* Should only developing countries be allowed to address non-trade issues such as food security and rural development? and
* Should additional Special & Differential Treatment (S&D) provisions apply generally to all developing countries?
The Doha declaration had fixed March 31, 2003, as the deadline for finalising the modalities for negotiations on these questions. With the deadline missed and no answers in sight, one wonders whether trust and confidence in the multilateral trading apparatus under the WTO is itself under question.
IT is after a long time that India has a proactive Vice-President. Bhairon Singh Shekhawat is not the kind of VP who confines himself to the copy book constitutional role. Shekhawat is redefining the role of the Vice-President. He broke the convention when he came to the Central Hall a few months back and chatted with MPs and journalists. He had come to the Central Hall for unveiling the portrait of Veer Savarkar. But he stayed back after the function was over. While talking to the MPs he took up the cause of holding of the Lok Sabha polls along with the Assembly elections for saving vast amounts of unnecessary expenditure. Now, he has successfully roped in former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar for finding a negotiated solution to the Ayodhya dispute, a little bird tells us.
Business with pleasure The ‘chintan baithaks’ of the Congress are turning out to be happy outings for partymen and journalists. The party has obviously taken into account the soaring mercury in deciding on the venues of its various conclaves. After the Mount Abu and Shimla sessions, the Congress plans to hold a brainstorming meet in Kumarakom, the backwaters town of Kerala made famous by Vajpayee and his “Musings”. Will the boat houses of Kumarakom inspire Sonia Gandhi too to pen her ‘reflections’?
The ‘chintan baithaks’ of the Congress are turning out to be happy outings for partymen and journalists.
The party has obviously taken into account the soaring mercury in deciding on the venues of its various conclaves. After the Mount Abu and Shimla sessions, the Congress plans to hold a brainstorming meet in Kumarakom, the backwaters town of Kerala made famous by Vajpayee and his “Musings”. Will the boat houses of Kumarakom inspire Sonia Gandhi too to pen her ‘reflections’?
Coalition politics Observers of the political scene see a paradigm shift in the recently-concluded “chintan baithak” of the Congress in Shimla. The Shimla meet virtually gave a quiet burial to the party’s Panchmarhi resolve. The century-old party no longer seems to believe in “akela chalo re” philosophy and seems to have finally accepted that coalition politics is now here to stay. The message: like-minded parties are welcome to join the Congress bandwagon if they accept Sonia Gandhi as the Prime Ministerial candidate. Will the 2004 general election be for Ram Raj or Rome Raj?
Observers of the political scene see a paradigm shift in the recently-concluded “chintan baithak” of the Congress in Shimla. The Shimla meet virtually gave a quiet burial to the party’s Panchmarhi resolve. The century-old party no longer seems to believe in “akela chalo re” philosophy and seems to have finally accepted that coalition politics is now here to stay. The message: like-minded parties are welcome to join the Congress bandwagon if they accept Sonia Gandhi as the Prime Ministerial candidate. Will the 2004 general election be for Ram Raj or Rome Raj?
Ayodhya solution The Ayodhya dispute may be foxing everybody ranging from politicians and religious leaders to social activists as well as the legal community. But a senior Congress leader this week stunned everybody with his rather private remark after a seminar on “Ayodhya— the way out” was over. When asked for his help for the eventual construction of a Ram temple by a veteran VHP leader, the old war horse of the Congress smiled, saying that the temple will be built in the same manner as the mosque was brought down. Debates and
seminars will continue as usual.
The Ayodhya dispute may be foxing everybody ranging from politicians and religious leaders to social activists as well as the legal community. But a senior Congress leader this week stunned everybody with his rather private remark after a seminar on “Ayodhya— the way out” was over.
When asked for his help for the eventual construction of a Ram temple by a veteran VHP leader, the old war horse of the Congress smiled, saying that the temple will be built in the same manner as the mosque was brought down. Debates and seminars will continue as usual.
Mera Bharat Mahan India has made way for the entry of three conflict-ridden countries in the UNDP’s Human
Development Report by dropping three notches in the overall ranks. Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H), Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) and Botswana, all new entries in the list of nations covered in the report, have registered better human development parameters than India. As a result, India, ranked 124th last time, dropped to the 127th position in the latest edition, with all the three new countries ranking above India. While B&H was ranked 66, OPT was ranked 98 and Botswana occupied the 125th position. Even as some pockets of the country compared with the developed world, the overall position still fares close to the least developed nations — a lesson for India’s policy-makers that balancing the growth paradigm may turn out to be a bigger challenge than moving neck and neck with seemingly under-developed countries. Contributed by R Suryamurthy, S Satyanarayanan, Gaurav Choudhury, Satish Misra and Rajeev Sharma
India has made way for the entry of three conflict-ridden countries in the UNDP’s Human Development Report by dropping three notches in the overall ranks. Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H), Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) and Botswana, all new entries in the list of nations covered in the report, have registered better human development parameters than India.
As a result, India, ranked 124th last time, dropped to the 127th position in the latest edition, with all the three new countries ranking above India. While B&H was ranked 66, OPT was ranked 98 and Botswana occupied the 125th position. Even as some pockets of the country compared with the developed world, the overall position still fares close to the least developed nations — a lesson for India’s policy-makers that balancing the growth paradigm may turn out to be a bigger challenge than moving neck and neck with seemingly under-developed countries.
Contributed by R Suryamurthy, S Satyanarayanan, Gaurav Choudhury, Satish Misra and Rajeev Sharma
Meditation is like worshipping the rising sun within your heart. — Swami Chidvilasanada, Gems from the Magic of the Heart The world is full of wells of poison. But God has endowed every human being with the pond of nectar. The one who learns how to sip it overcomes agony and despair. — T.R.
The man who is not afraid to use his small means to assist others need not fear poverty. — Ella Wheeler Wilcox, “Generosity” Never do any harm to anybody, but never allow anybody to do any harm to you either; only then can we create a human world. — Osho, Words from a man of no words Human birth is a divine gift. It is difficult to obtain it again. — Songs of Mirabai
— Swami Chidvilasanada, Gems from the Magic of the Heart
The world is full of wells of poison. But God has endowed every human being with the pond of nectar. The one who learns how to sip it overcomes agony and despair.
— T.R. Shangari,Bolai Sheikh Farid
The man who is not afraid to use his small means to assist others need not fear poverty.
— Ella Wheeler Wilcox, “Generosity”
Never do any harm to anybody, but never allow anybody to do any harm to you either; only then can we create a human world.
— Osho, Words from a man of no words
Human birth is a divine gift.
It is difficult to obtain it again.
— Songs of Mirabai
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