LIMATE change is the hottest topic of debate today. Expressing concern over global warming, scientists fear that any further increase in temperature will lead to a rise in surface and sea temperatures, causing dramatic shifts in climate cycles and reduction in agricultural output and water supply.The Earth has been experiencing global warming. The same is the case with rise in atmospheric and ocean temperatures and then a fall. However, this time, experts expect the rise to be irreversible due to the unprecedented increase in carbon dioxide levels due largely to massive industrialisation in the past 150 years.
There are dozens of greenhouse gases (GHGs) in the atmosphere but carbon dioxide is the main culprit. This, along with other GHGs like methane, nitrous oxide and the group of fluorinated gases, released by air-conditioners and refrigerators, trap heat waves and do not let them escape in the atmosphere.
Global warming has increased so much over the years that it is feared that as the land will go under the sea following the melting of the ice masses, Russia and Canada will become warmer, rivers dry up and India experience drastic changes in its lifeline monsoon. Sea levels in Maldives, a nation of coral islands southwest of India, have already risen by 0.2 m (8 inches) in the past century due to thermal expansion and ice melt caused by global warming.
At the recent Delhi summit on climate change, UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCC) Executive Secretary Yvo de Boer listed four parameters for a “comprehensive result” at the Copenhagen climate summit due next month. If any one of these inter-related issues does not work, “the Copenhagen climate change talks should be considered a failure”, he warned.
According to him, the first of the four essentials for a comprehensive result are “clear and ambitious” reduction targets from industrialised countries. The second is “clarity” on what developing countries (read India, China, Brazil, Mexico) will do to “limit” their growth of emissions.
Supporting India’s stand, de Boer has advocated significant financial support by developed countries to help poor nations comply with emission targets. “Adequate financing from developed countries” to help developing nations adapt to climate change and mitigate their GHG emissions and “clarity on institutional mechanism” will govern the finances, he said.
Essentially, the four points encompass the complex climate change problem, as countries across the world try to slow down, if not completely defuse, the carbon bomb, fast ticking away, threatening to change climate cycles and causing temperatures to go up.
As world’s leaders assemble at Copenhagen to hammer out differences between developed and developing nations and negotiate a replacement to the 1997 Kyoto Protocol to arrest global warming, the main question would be how to fill the chasm between sharply divided nations on emissions and share the burden of fighting global warming.
What is the solution? It appears simple. Just control the emissions, but it is not easy. The issue in question is fixing accountability on each developed and developing nation. Then, who will foot the bill, running into billions of dollars, required for technology development and transfer to fix the current mess?
India has made it clear that the key issue should be of developing appropriate technologies and using them through large-scale adoption in developing countries. It wants polluting rich nations to follow the “polluter pays” principle considering that developed countries have been responsible for almost 72 per cent of the emissions between 1950 and 2000. Even now the US continues to be the largest polluter, followed by Canada and Russia.
India’s emissions may have grown due to rapid industrialisation but its per capita Co2 emissions are only 1.1 tonne as against 20.1 per cent for the US, 17.8 per cent for Canada and 11.5 per cent for Russia. Per capita emissions of China, India’s colleague in G77, are 3.7 tonne.
According to Sunita Narain, Centre for Science and Environment, New Delhi, just a year’s increase in industrialised country emissions between 2006 and 2007 is more than the total emissions of 100 million Indians who emit less Co2 than all industrialised countries taken together, she says.
Are we still hoping for a fair deal at Copenhagen, she asks, on the basis of the UNFCCC’s latest set of statistics which say that Co2 emissions in countries like the US, Canada and Australia continue to grow apace. Transportation emissions in industrialised countries have grown by 26 per cent since 1990.
Since 1990, US emissions have grown by 20 per cent, Canadian emissions by 29 per cent and those of Australia by 42 per cent. Between 2006 and 2007, emissions have increased by 1.1 per cent in Annex I countries: Australia, Austria, Belarus, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Monaco, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russian Federation, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, Ukraine, the UK and the US. This implies that industrialised nations’ emissions are more than the total emission of 100 million Indians, Narain contends.
Significantly, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh holds the view that technology and its diffusion is the “key element” in meeting the challenge of climate change. In his inaugural address at the Delhi summit, he said that all initiatives to tackle climate change will have to be backed by the establishment of “appropriate financial arrangement to facilitate technology transfers”.
Industrialised countries have the capacity to shift to new energy processes even if it involves additional costs. Developing countries do not have this capacity and thus the shift should be facilitated by adequate financial support, Dr Singh said.
Making it clear that developing countries “cannot and will not” compromise on development, the Prime Minister said that it was for developed nations to make a serious effort in bringing their per capita emissions within tolerable levels.
India’s argument is that why should developing nations like India and China pay for others’ mistakes, curtail their emissions and thereby the development process? However, rich countries believe that India and China should also commit to emission cuts, a clause which was not a part of the Kyoto protocol, the first international pact aimed at checking the pace of climate change by reducing GHGs.
India believes that climate change negotiations are taking place against the backdrop of an increasingly globalised and interconnected and interdependent world economy. Development must, therefore, remain at the centre of the global discourse. Its negotiators say, action on climate change must enhance, not diminish prospects for development. It must not sharpen the division of the world between an affluent North and an impoverished South, and justify this with a green label.
Transfer of clean-energy technology and funds required will be a key issue at Copenhagen where talks are aimed at hammering out a new global climate treaty to replace the Kyoto Protocol, which expires in 2012. The question now is whether the Kyoto will be followed in 2012 by a more inclusive international agreement while retaining the vital discipline of binding quantifiable targets.
India and China are members of the G-77 group of developing nations, which want developed countries to provide them with finance and technology to help reduce harmful emissions causing climate change. The group maintains that developed and developing countries have differentiated responsibility towards stabilising emissions. India and China have so far refused to sign on any binding targets for emissions cuts, arguing that it would restrict its economic growth.
The Kyoto protocol under the UNFCC, signed in Japan in 1997, laid down emission targets for rich nations. The UNCCC, an international treaty agreed at the Rio de Janeiro Earth Summit in 1992, established the vital principle that “the developed country parties should take the lead in combating climate change and the adverse effects thereof.”
The convention sought to stabilise GHGs at a level that would minimise interference with the climate system. Developed countries, known as Annex 1 countries, were supposed to adhere to legally binding targets under the Kyoto protocol which sought industrial world to cut its GHGs by an average of 5.2 per cent below 1990 levels by 2012. It allowed developed countries to meet part of its target by funding clean options and technologies in developing countries. Since then, much has happened.
The US signed the Kyoto but did not ratify it, implying that it doesn’t have to cut emissions and can buy carbon credits to fulfill its commitment. A carbon credit is equal to one tonne of Co2 removed from the atmosphere. Under the protocol, developing countries can earn carbon credits by adopting clean technologies and rich countries can buy the credits through the system called ‘Clean Development’ mechanism. Several Indian companies, following green practices, are now involved in the carbon business.
India decided to ratify the Kyoto Protocol in August 2002. According to the agreement, India is not required to reduce emissions as the commitment was basically for developed countries. To limit global warming to two degrees, negotiations are loosely based on an IPCC stabilisation scenario which cuts the 1990 baseline of emissions by 50 per cent by 2050.
At Bali in 2007, participating nations adopted the Bali Road Map as the two-year process to finalise a binding agreement in Copenhagen. Though there was no consensus on specific numbers, there was a call for “deep cut emissions” and that developed nations emissions must fall by 40 per cent by 2020.
Developed countries are now willing to take up the emission cuts up to 80 per cent by 2050, but depending on how much major economies within developing countries like India and China are willing to do. India says 2050 is a long-term goal and developed nations should have a mid-term goal like a cut of 40 per cent by 2020. Negotiations are on and European Union countries have indicated a willingness to cut by 25 to 30 per cent by 2020. India has indicated that it might agree to the proposal.
Though G8 leaders agreed in 2009 to reduce emissions, there are demands that developing countries share the burden by lowering their rising trajectories. This is one of the stumbling blocks, experts say. An agreement appears to be unlikely at Copenhagen unless Annex 1 countries make medium term commitments of emissions reductions by 2020, they aver.
India’s negotiators say, there is a misunderstanding that India is resisting calls by developed countries to take on specific targets for the reduction of its GHGs though its total GHG emissions are the third largest in volume after the US and China. India has done in this direction more than what it is required to do, they say.
India’s stand on climate change can best be presented in four points. First, climate change is taking place not due to the current level of GHG emissions but as a result of the cumulative impact of accumulated GHGs. Current emissions are, of course, adding to the problem incrementally.
Even if current emissions were, by some miracle, reduced to zero tomorrow, climate change will continue to take place. The accumulated stock of GHGs in the atmosphere is mainly the result of carbon-based industrial activity in developed countries over the past two centuries and more. It is for this reason that the UNFCCC stipulates deep and significant cuts in the emissions of the industrialised countries as fulfillment of their historic responsibility.
Secondly, the UNFCCC itself does not require developing countries to take on any commitments on reducing their GHG emissions. The pursuit of social and economic development by developing countries will result in an increase in their GHG emissions.
However, India has declared that even as it pursues its social and economic development objectives, it will not allow its per capita GHG emissions to exceed the average per capita emissions of the developed countries. This effectively puts a cap on our emission, which will be lower if our developed country partners choose to be more ambitious in reducing their own emissions.
Thirdly, India cannot be called a “major emitter”. Our per capita Co2 emissions are currently only 1.1 tonne, when compared to over 20 tonne for the US and in excess of 10 tonne for most OECD countries.
Furthermore, even if we are No. 3 in terms of total volume of emissions, the gap with the first and second-ranking countries is very large. The US and China account for over 16 per cent each of the total global emissions, while India trails with just 4 per cent, despite its very large population and rapidly growing economy.
And finally, for developing countries like India, the focus of climate change action cannot just be current emissions. Equally important is the issue of “adaptation to climate change” that has already taken place and will continue in the foreseeable future even in the most favorable mitigation scenarios.
India is already subject to a high degree of climate variability resulting in droughts, floods and other extreme weather events which compel India to spend over 2 per cent of its GDP on adaptation. This figure is likely to go up considerably.
Consequently, the Copenhagen package must include global action on adaptation in addition to action to GHG abatement and reduction.