by Harihar Swarup

She fights for people’s rule in her country
A small news report in the inside pages of newspapers last week read: “Michael Aris, the husband of Myanmar opposition leader and Nobel laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, died today in a British hospital”…and “Myanmar’s military government had denied permission to Aris, who was ill with prostate cancer, a visa to enter Myanmar and see his wife one last time before he died”. Incidentally the day of Aris’s death happened to be his 53rd birthday.

Jaya, Sonia keep BJP on tenterhooks
THE Bhagwat issue seems to be snowballing into a major crisis. And this could prove to be fatal for the government. The Congress has thrown enough hints that the remaining part of the Budget session is going to be stormy.

75 Years Ago

The struggle in Kerala
Two batches of Satyagrahis have already been arrested in Kerala on their endeavouring to enter the prohibited area. So far the arrests have been effected peacefully and if this state of things continues the result is bound to be satisfactory to all concerned.

By Harihar Swarup

She fights for people’s rule in her country

A small news report in the inside pages of newspapers last week read: “Michael Aris, the husband of Myanmar opposition leader and Nobel laureate, Aung San Suu Kyi, died today in a British hospital” ………and “Myanmar’s military government had denied permission to Aris, who was ill with prostate cancer, a visa to enter Myanmar and see his wife one last time before he died”. Incidentally the day of Aris’s death happened to be his 53rd birthday.

There is no doubt now that the Myanmar authorities had been deliberately delaying a decision on a visa application by Aris to enable him visit Rangoon and bid farewell for the last time to his wife . On the contrary, they were very keen to persuade Suu Kyi to visit her husband in U.K. So much so that the military rulers of Myanmar deputed a senior army functionary to reason with her to visit her ailing husband and that the junta would guarantee her return. Suu Kyi showed the door to the emissary, holding the rank of Colonel, with an emphatic “no”. “I am not going”, was her curt reply.

The military rulers, obviously, wanted to exploit the personal tragedy of Suu Kyi, to push her out of the country and, thereby, get rid of a major irritant. Locked in a relentless political battle for the restoration of democracy in Myanmar and emancipation of the suppressed people for over a decade, her response reflects her iron will: “My personal plight is insignificant compared to sufferings of hundreds of my partymen, many of whom are still languishing in jails”. Having dealt with the dubious ways of the military rulers, she knew too well once she leaves the country she would never be allowed to return home.

Suu Kyi was , no doubt, loved her husband and was too attached to her two sons, Alexander and Kim, who are now virtually orphans. Her tribute to her husband is too moving . “ I have been so fortunate to have such a wonderful husband, who had always given me the understanding I needed. Nothing can take that away from me”. Michael Aris, an Englishman, and their two children lived in Oxford while Suu Kyi carried on the bitter struggle in distant Myanmar living for years in solitary confinement.

Suu Kyi’s husband wrote when she was given Nobel Prize for Peace in 1991: “ I am not aware if the Nobel Prize has ever been given to someone in a situation of such extreme isolation and peril. We, (her family) are denied any contact whatsoever with her and know nothing of her condition except that she is quite alone”. The late Aris was quoted many times as saying that authorities in Myanmar had many times offered to release her if she accepted going into permanent exile. “ I know Suu well enough to be sure she will not do this ; she is firmly committed to her chosen party, whatever the sacrifice it entails”. She was rightly described as “a prisoner of conscience” when selected for the Nobel.

Though holding no public office and still struggling for the cause of democracy in a country, long suppressed by a tyrannical regime, Suu Kyi may turn out to be a great leader of the 20th century. In endurance she can be likened to Nelson Mandela. In courage and determination , she may be compared to Indira Gandhi.

Suu Kyi hit the world headlines when she resorted to a 13-day roadside protest in August last year to protest against military government’s restriction on her movement. She had staged a similar protest only a month back when the authorities stopped her car on the same bridge. The six-day second stand-off ended when security personnel forced her to return to her residence in Yangon. Her party — the National League for Democracy — had vowed to convene Parliament, based on the 1990 elections in which the NLD romped home with a thumping majority. It was a landslide victory indeed but the military ruler refused to relinquish power. The struggle has been going on since then.

She had remained for six years in virtual solitary confinement , separated from her family. Her spirits remained undaunted through the tortuous years and she remained steadfastly committed to non-violent struggle for the restoration of democracy and human rights in her country.

Suu Kyi is the daughter of Burma’s national hero, Aung San, who led the struggle for independence from British colonial rule and from Japanese occupation. His stature in Burma is almost the same as of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose in India. Aung San negotiated with Clement Attlee’s Labour Government for final independence but, sadly, Aung and practically his entire cabinet in the provisional government were gunned down on July 19,1947. A jealous political rival masterminded the assassination.

Suu Kyi was only two years old then and has the dimmest recollections of her father. But she learnt a lot about him later and became virtually obsessed with his image. Needless to say she inherited the qualities of her father whom she had, unfortunately, never known. Suu Kyi, few would know, had her education in Delhi, besides Rangoon and Oxford universities.

Before returning to take care of her dying mother, she lived a happy married life at Oxford with her husband and two children. It was possibly coincidental that with her return began a spontaneous revolt against political repression in Burma. She emerged as the popular and most effective leader of the uprising. Suu has become more effective since then and the ruling junta is scared of her.

Delhi grapevine
by Hari Shankar Vyas
Jaya, Sonia keep BJP on tenterhooks

THE Bhagwat issue seems to be snowballing into a major crisis. And this could prove to be fatal for the government. The Congress has thrown enough hints that the remaining part of the Budget session is going to be stormy. The Congress will not allow the Rajya Sabha to function demanding setting up of the JPC on the Bhagwat issue. Though there are two opinions on what should be the strategy. Those close to Sonia Gandhi want that the matter should be first discussed in Parliament and the party should insist on the JPC so that the BJP could be pegged on tenterhooks for a long time. On the other hand some Congressmen and other Opposition leaders are of the view that if the matter is discussed in the Lok Sabha, the government might succumb to the pressure and agree for a JPC. By agreeing on this the government can avert voting in Parliament and thus have a reprieve for six to seven months.

Notwithstanding their public postures, the government might agree on the JPC and also shift George Fernandes from the Defence Ministry. But it would not succumb to her pressure on the reinstatement of Vishnu Bhagwat. In fact, this is the point which has disturbed BJP’s plans. BJP sources apprehend that she might ask her MPs to go along with the Congress on this matter. She might join the Congress in toppling the government on this issue. But her behaviour and rhetoric during her Delhi visit have made Vajpayee an angry man. Her comment on a possible political earthquake has angered him the most. Still the BJP and Jayalalitha may strike a deal by shifting George and Ramamurthy.

* * * *

But the moot question is whether recent events have forged any mutual understanding between two reigning queens. Will the AIADMK MPs vote along the Congress on a no-confidence motion against the government. The party has its members in the Cabinet. At the time of this motion they will either abstain or will resign before this is put to vote. But will the Congress like to topple the government at this hour. A question as a natural corollary to this possibility is whether an alternative government can be formed or the country will have to go in for yet another mid-term polls. There is not much activity in the party on either of the two options. The BJP is of the opinion that if the government falls the Lok Sabha elections are inevitable. BJP leaders have already started creating an election phobia.

If the elections are to be held, these could be held in June/July or around November. A survey on Andhra polls has shown bad omens for the Congress. The Congress has conducted another survey. This also suggests that while its seats might double, it could at the most reach 80-90 in a House of 294. Chandrababu Naidu does not want simultaneous elections to the Lok Sabha and the Vidhan Sabha. If the crisis in Delhi deepens, he might prefer Lok Sabha elections at least four to five months before the Assembly elections. Or he would like an alternative government. But, whether this has been discussed between Sonia and Jayalalitha, there are no indications to this effect.

* * * *

Till the noon of March 29, Dr Subramaniam Swamy was shaky. Till then, only Chandra Shekhar and I.K. Gujral had given their consent to be present at his tea party. There was an air of uncertainty looming large whether Sonia Gandhi. H.D. Deve Gowda, P.V. Narasimha Rao and even Jayalalitha would come. Around 1 o’clock, Sonia told some of her confidants that she would go to the party. Most of the leaders got this news through the SPG net and then all of them decided that they would go.

However, there was no doubt that the atmosphere at the parties hosted by Dr Swamy and Vijay Goel was very different. While at the latter’s party, most of the faces were sullen and formal, the atmosphere at Swamy’s tea party was vibrant. In Goel’s party, Vajpayee was there for quite sometime with Jayalalitha and even had dinner with her. But it was all formal. Though the BJP leaders could be seen happy with this party, Vajpayee’s foster son-in-law Ranjan Bhattacharya, Dr Murli Manohar Joshi and George Fernandes tried to further the relationship by calling on her separately also. But Jayalalitha dampened BJP’s spirits by indicating on a possible political quake.

Many of the Congress leaders were not in favour of Sonia going to the party. Right from Arjun Singh to P.A. Sangma, all advised her against going there. There were three arguments against her going there. One, Sonia is the leader of a national party of 100 years standing, and it would be below her dignity going to a party called to honour a regional leader. Two, Jayalalitha is facing many cases of corruption. And third, she is still a partner of the BJP coalition. Yet, she decided against it. However, when she reached there, she found that the chair ostensibly earmarked for her had already been occupied by P.V. Narasimha Rao. Swamy has embarrassed, but he managed to draw another big chair for her. The entire show here too looked for Jayalalitha. Only two Congressmen bothered to present flowers to Sonia Gandhi also. Feeling uneasy in such an atmosphere, she did not stay there for long. Still Swamy’s party might prove to be the epicentre of the possible political earthquake.

* * * *

While the BJP may be putting a brave face in the public about its relationship with Jayalalitha, it is unable to gauge the extent and range of her whims and fancies. This game of nerves has been going on ever since the BJP decided to form the government in New Delhi. Now, it seems to be at its climax and may end at its logical conclusion. But, the BJP is perturbed over the pattern that is emerging out of its relationship with the Queen of Poes Garden. It was one of the Prime Minister’s Man Friday, Jaswant Singh, who was first assigned the job of reasoning with Jayamma. But after two visits to Chennai, he had vowed not to visit her any further. He did not make the reasons public, but when she opposed Vajpayee government’s stand on CTBT, it was evident that her target was Jaswant Singh.

The next was Pramod Mahajan. Vajpayee thought that he excelled in the art of dealing. And indeed, Mahajan succeeded in his mission. But even as he was celebrating his success, Jayamma lobbed a bomb shell accusing a minister close to the Prime Minister of taking bribes in the case relating to Bezbarua’s transfer. Though she had not named anyone, Mahajan created suspicions by daring her to name him and he would take her to court. Thus, another channel was closed. Then, the Prime Minister tried his third Man Friday, George Fernandes. He succeeded in cajoling her on two occasions. And even as the government was thinking that he could have a longer stint, she stunned the party managers by demanding sacking of Fernandes or at least shifting him from Defence.

While some say that it could be her style of functioning, others see a pattern in it. They say, she does not want to have a long-lasting relationship with anyone and give an impression that she could be won over by personal friendships. The Prime Minister has now fallen on his closest and most-trusted Man Friday, his foster son-in-law, Ranjan Bhattacharya to maintain a liaison with her, but sources close to the PM aver that he feels it may not be too long when even Bhattacharya is spurned by her. And with so many skeletons in Bhattacharya’s cupboard being discussed in public these days, BJP wallahas are having sleepless nights.

* * * *

You may say she is a workaholic. Minister of State for Welfare and Women Empowerment Maneka Gandhi is trying to keep her reputation intact. Today, she is the most dreaded minister in the government vis a vis bureaucracy. Bureaucrats in her ministry are not vying with each other to sign on the dotted lines or to suit her whims. Nevertheless, when they found that she would be going to Britain and Italy on an official tour for 10 days, all of them celebrated. But, their joy was short-lived. The moment she landed on her destination, she started keeping a tab on the affairs of the ministry. And since it was the closing of the financial year, she was all the more keen that all those who ‘deserve’ grants from her ministry must get the same before it lapses. But, she would not let her officials land in trouble. And, therefore, she has been giving her approvals to such proposals through fax.

75 YEARS AGO
The struggle in Kerala

Two batches of Satyagrahis have already been arrested in Kerala on their endeavouring to enter the prohibited area. So far the arrests have been effected peacefully and if this state of things continues the result is bound to be satisfactory to all concerned. Unhappily, the District Magistrate has served an order on the leaders of the movement prohibiting them, under Section 127 of the Criminal Procedure Code, from inducing the Ezhavas and the Pulanas from walking along the forbidden roads.

This action of the Magistrate is very regrettable, not because the leaders of such a movement, should not, like the rank and file, be ready to suffer, but because it sometimes happens that when the leaders are arrested the movement either collapses or takes a violent turn.

In the present case the collapse of their movement is almost unthinkable, and would be positively disastrous if it actually took place.

What we are really afraid of, is that the removal of the leaders might lead to an outburst of violence, which would not only make the struggle more bitter than it need be, but might actually retard progress towards light and freedom.

We are quite prepared to believe that the District Magistrate does not desire such a thing, but it is undoubtedly among the probable consequences of his action.