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Friday, April 9, 1999
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editorials

A bigger blob of red
REVENUE collection last year is far short of even the revised estimate projected in the Union budget. The red in the government account books is acquiring a deeper hue.

Violence in the
North-East
THE fresh spurt of violence in the North-East has interrupted the process of stabilisation of the law and order situation.


Frankly speaking

BEYOND 300 YEARS
Living tradition of Gurus
by Hari Jaisingh

ON the historic occasion of the tercentenary celebrations of the Khalsa Panth, Anandpur Sahib has re-emerged as the focal point of the Sikhs faith.

Health: policies and innovation
by Anita Anand

THE panchayat is the only constitutionally mandated body of local self-governance,” says Dr Swapna Mukhopadhyaya of the ISST (Indian Social Studies Trust), New Delhi, speaking of local structures of governance.



US strategy to ensure supremacy
By M.S.N. Menon

KOSOVO is not about human rights; it is not about the plight of refugees; it is, in fact, the unfolding of a diabolic strategy that is to keep America supreme in the 21st century.

Middle

No “Gachak” in San Francisco
by K.K. Khullar

ABOUT three decades ago I promised my wife a trip to Singapore. It has not materialised till today. Something or the other happened and the trip was called off. Once we came back from the airport. On another occasion it was an official trip which was cancelled at the last moment. Thereafter, I stopped talking of Singapore. The passport I had got her expired without a visit anywhere.


75 Years Ago

Murders at Kohat
MR Wardlaw-Milne asked the Under Secretary of State for India why the Indian government did not insist on the surrender of the Kohat gang of murderers.

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A bigger blob of red

REVENUE collection last year is far short of even the revised estimate projected in the Union budget. The red in the government account books is acquiring a deeper hue. What is important to note is that since the economy continues to be plagued by old factors, the position can only get worse in the current financial year ending in March, 2000. Last year’s woes stem from slow industrial recovery with excise and customs duty collection dropping by over Rs 18,000 crore to Rs 93,100 crore although there was an increase in the realisation of income and corporation taxes. The total revenue shortfall on these two counts is Rs 6988 crore. This figure is based on the assumption that there will be no increase in revenue expenditure from what has been indicated in the revised estimates. If there is a hike, the gap will automatically widen. On the other hand, if late reporting adds to the collection, there will be some relief. Even at the present level, the revenue deficit — the difference between revenue inflow and outgo — will soar to 3.8 per cent of the GDP, the highest this decade. Usually it hovers around 3 per cent.

The message that the latest revenue mop-up figure carries is grim. Normally the first three months of the year keeps the cash register constantly ringing but this year except for March, the collection remained dull. The sudden burst in the last month is because of a last-minute rush to beat the deadline and does not signal an improvement in economic health. That is a cause for concern. The whole set of government calculations is based in a turnaround in the recession-hit economy, which alone will boost government revenue and relieve some of the pressing problems. It is also essential to find surplus for export to encourage bigger imports. That is the normal twin-track revenue mobilisation route. This is vitally linked to reaching the growth target of 6 per cent and the poverty alleviation hopes. A weak link here or there will break the chain, as it happened last year, and sustain the minor crisis. Now the only hope for an economic revival is agriculture and so far the signals are extremely favourable. But given agriculture’s share in GDP at less than 30 per cent, even a record harvest can only do that much. Then there is the political fallout. The crisis-ridden Vajpayee government is keen on exploiting the welcome which the budget received and the prospect of a steady, if not spectacular, recovery to blunt the opposition charge of non-governance. Any perception of a stagnating economy will defeat that plank. Above all, the investment-production-demand cycle is driven by sentiment and it is here that the budget has made a dent. The latest figures and the looming fear of a bigger deficit may trigger opposite psychology. Who said misfortune never comes alone?
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Violence in the North-East

THE fresh spurt of violence in the North-East has interrupted the process of stabilisation of the law and order situation. Once Assam was one single province governed by one Governor. The centre of British governance lay in London. Delhi was a link in the chain of statecraft. However, Assam was never ungovernable. We created seven states and called them “Seven Sisters”. Peace eludes every part of these fragmented products of the reorganisation of the states. Unless an area has the blessing of tranquillity, neither economy nor sociology is able to deliver the goods. The financial condition of the seven states is deteriorating fast. There is too much pressure on the scarce resources. A new plan for the coordinated governance of the entire region is necessary. The Indian Republic needs for success a kind of balance between conflicting interests and extremes, be that in Assam or in Kashmir. One extreme is anarchy, such as that found pronouncedly in the two states based on the imaginary impulse for freedom, and the other is centralised authoritarianism based on the impetus for measures demanding absolute economic and social justice. The former is a weak variety of liberalisation, at odds with any human possibility available in a modern society, except perhaps as an incidental option for dissatisfied vested interests providing an equivalent for tourist attraction. What is the beauty of Shillong worth if the Bodo belt keeps on bleeding? One has to rethink the idea underlining the art and craft of regionalised governance. The militants should be made to realise that their arrogance is self-destructive. The other extreme needs total socialisation which is demanded by all those opposed to the present trend towards the privatisation of society and not the socialisation of self.

In sum, the notion of transferring control over the means of production to the people or to society as a whole is an empty slogan. The crux, therefore, lies in preferences among basic liberty, equality of opportunity and social and economic gains. In other words, it is entirely up to the people, the ultimate masters, to decide if the present geographical set-ups correspond to their conception in a Republic, and if these fulfil their legitimate social and economic aspirations. If they do, how can they be streamlined to serve the people’s interests better? After all, the people get not only the government but also the form of government they deserve. Years ago, Prof Kenneth Galbraith, a former US Ambassador to India, described this country as a “functioning anarchy”. As though to improve on the epithet, a British writer called it “amiable chaos”. The North-East is not for burning and bleeding. The rule of law must prevail there. Or we should review our policy of creating more small states — Uttaranchal, Vananchal, Chhattisgarh....
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BEYOND 300 YEARS
Living tradition of Gurus

Frankly speaking
by Hari Jaisingh

ON the historic occasion of the tercentenary celebrations of the Khalsa Panth, Anandpur Sahib has re-emerged as the focal point of the Sikhs faith.

More than the symbolic acts of offering prayers and paying respect, this holy “City of Bliss” provides an opportunity to the faithful to look inward and do an honest auditing for marching ahead on the right lines laid down in the Adi Granth and by the 10 Gurus.

There should be no room for distortions and distorted thinking. The great faith that Sikhism is, it cannot be restricted by narrow sectarian parameters. Guru Nanak Dev and other Gurus were reformists. They were liberal thinkers who saw religion in terms of the best human values of love, compassion, freedom, brotherhood and the purity of means as well as ends to achieve goals. They advocated dignity of men and women and reiterated the need for tolerance, understanding and respect to other faiths. This is what secularism is all about. Viewed thus, the recent problems of militancy, terrorism and communal tension in Punjab were mainly because some misguided followers took a narrow view of the teachings of the Gurus.

This narrow thinking process has to be reversed so that the Panth finds a wider base in the hearts of the people belonging to various sects and religions. To appreciate this point, we must familiarise ourselves with the ethical and spiritual roots of the Panth and its phenomenal growth as a great guide of the people of Punjab, nay, India and humanity at large.

A narrow and limited understanding of this great faith can be self-defeating. This is something the Akali and other political leaders must understand. Religion is not a plaything. Nor is it a mere instrument of narrow politics. So, when Mr Gurcharan Singh Tohra, former SGPC President, questions the inaugural ceremony being performed by Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee at the Anandpur Sahib celebrations, he forgets some of the basic tenets of the Gurus’ teachings. The doors of the Gurus’ benediction are open to everyone—the mightiest as well as the lowliest.

For the lowliest, however, there is something special. Says Guru Nanak Dev:

The lowest of the low castes,
The lowliest of the lowly,
I seek their kinship—
Why emulate the (so-called) higher ones
Thy elevating grace is
Where the downtrodden are looked after.

The new custodians of the faith need to constantly remember this message of equality, justice and compassion. Indeed, herein lies the strength of the Panth as symbolised by two great traditions of kar sewa and langar. These two traditions unite the high and the low. Here the form of practice is not important. What matters is the spirit behind it.

The spirit of service is very much alive in Punjab. Equally heart-warming is the single-minded devotion of the community in the rural and urban areas of the state and beyond. A matter of faith, of course, is more than ritual religious practices and in Punjab, it is ingrained in all walks of life, politics included.

It is remarkable to see a total transformation of Anandpur Sahib as a historic town where the founder of the Khalsa Panth, Guru Gobind Singh, spent 25 years of his life. The holy “City of Bliss” has been painted white, symbolising purity of the faith. It was actually founded by Guru Teg Bahadur, the ninth Guru, in 1665. But it was during the long sojourn of Guru Gobind Singh that the town became the hub of religious activities. Later, on the Baisakhi day in 1699, the tenth Guru, to quote an official booklet, “laid the foundation of the brave and casteless fellowship of the Khalsa”. With this the Panj Piaras tradition too was born.

The tenth Guru virtually reshaped the destiny of the Sikh community. He provided a distinct identity to the followers of Sikhism. Much of the community’s vigour, valour, fearlessness, the spirit of service and sacrifice are an indelible mark he left on the life and attitudes of the people of Punjab.

As the celebrations pick up momentum, the question which is being asked is whether there will be trouble at Anandpur Sahib between the followers of Mr Gurcharan Singh Tohra and those of Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal because of their recent rift. It is a fact that Mr Tohra is bent upon organising a separate celebration to mark the occasion. What will be the response of the Badal group is not yet clear.

However, in the changed atmosphere of Punjab, it will not be easy to create trouble. “Sheer power of devotion and faith of the people coming to Anandpur Sahib will deter the Tohra group from creating any problem here,” Bhai Manjit Singh told me during my brief meeting with him at Anandpur Sahib.

Bhai Manjit Singh, who sportingly acknowledges being dubbed by his detractors a sarkari jathedar, is probably right in his assessment. The mood in Punjab has changed for the better. The people here want peace and development. The memories of a decade of militancy in the state are still fresh. That is why they are very cautious in reacting and responding to moves and counter-moves of different political groups.

There is surely an official stamp on the celebrations. This is but natural, though the SGPC is conducting the show. The softspoken Jathedar Manjit Singh is there. So are several young dynamic officers like Ms Vini Mahajan and Ms Jaspreet Talwar who are coordinating with the various agencies involved in the celebrations.

Without the official backing and patronage, it would not have been possible to organise such largescale celebrations in tune with popular expectations. And it so happens that the Akalis are in power. And Mr Parkash Singh Badal is definitely using the occasion to widen his political base and regain whatever ground he might have lost in his recent tussle with Mr Tohra.

Looking beyond, it must be said that religion is the core concern of the common man in India. It sets the pace for life and attitudes. If practised in the right spirit, it makes things sublime both at the personal and social levels. A distorted response plays havoc and disturbs harmony among people. What has, however, been disquieting in recent years is the way religion has been politicised and communalised. Interestingly, the major beneficiaries of religion in this country have been politicians. For their acts of omission and commission, people only blame themselves or take their failures philosophically as God’s wish.

Be that as it may. On this historic occasion, we need to see the strength of the Khalsa Panth in a broad perspective, and not with narrow angularities. The message of the Gurus is crystal clear. Sikhism stands for a humane and value-based society and governance, both at the individual and community levels.

The Tenth Master, interestingly, defined a Khalsa as the one “who is pure of heart, compassionate, devotee of the one God, shorn of superstitions of all kinds and who treats humanity as one” (Guru Gobind Singh: 33 Swayyas).

The letter of protest that Guru Gobind Singh wrote to Aurangzeb (called “Zafarnama”) clearly states that the Guru’s fight was for religious freedom for all and against the irreligious and un-Islamic conduct of Aurangzeb!

It is wrong to suggest that violence is part of Sikh religious ethos.The Tenth Guru never anointed his own Dasam Granth (containing mostly war poetry) as the “Guru” after him. The guiding ethos and philosophy emanate from the Adi Granth, every word of which enjoins on man peace, sacrifice, compassion, self-surrender and forgiveness in the name of the one and only God and “meditation on the utterance of this name.”

The Gurus have advocated brotherhood. The Sikh religion and traditions do not divide people. Guru Nanak Dev observed, “There is no Hindu, no Musalman”. He advocated the importance of human values and the togetherness of humanity. The Hindu-Sikh ties too ought to be constantly viewed historically, in terms of words and deeds of the Gurus.

Viewed in this light, we must not let Punjab burn again. This is possible if we follow the teachings of the Gurus in letter and spirit and not allow the “indissoluble centuries of old Hindu-Sikh ties” of bread and blood to be played around for petty political gains. Communal harmony holds the key to the future of Punjab.
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Health: policies and innovation
by Anita Anand

THE panchayat is the only constitutionally mandated body of local self-governance,” says Dr Swapna Mukhopadhyaya of the ISST (Indian Social Studies Trust), New Delhi, speaking of local structures of governance.

From the United Nations headquarters to national, regional and international organisations, there is an active debate and dialogue about the role of civil society in governance. Traditionally, policy has been seen as the task of governments. But with advances in development, technology and information about rights, individuals and communities are participating in governance — be it policy making or carrying it out. The field of reproductive health is part of this change.

“NGOs can play the role of catalysts. Panchayats need to be made more accountable. Any large-scale initiative has to involve the panchayats, for whom health is at present not a priority,” says Dr Mukhopadhyaya.

If health is not a priority for panchayats, is it for state assemblies or Parliament?

India developed and adopted a family planning programme in the 1950s, long before many countries even thought about it. Over the years, there has been criticism of the government’s “target” approach, in which health workers were given targets — or the number of people who have accepted family planning — and judged by these. Targets also meant sterilisation.

Since the 1980s, NGOs and community groups have devised small-scale approaches and practices alternative to the government’s target.

At the national level, in a far-reaching move, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare in March announced a Target-Free Approach (TFA) followed by the Community Needs Assessment Approach” (CNAA). This has meant a more “client-centered” approach with emphasis on quality or care”.

This policy shift has given a boost to individuals and organisations working at the community level. Some of these are supported by the India programme of the US-based John T and Catherine D MacArthur Foundation’s “innovative” reproductive health work in India.

The ISST’s project is one such work. In the villages of Himachal Pradesh the ISST team helped women collect data on sanitation, drinking water and health through mahila mandals (women’s committees).

The women were barely literate, and government health sub-centres were located according to the population size. In the mountains where hamlets are scattered this did not make sense. Modifications according to local conditions can be channelised through panchayats, the ISST found. After all, it was the base level and the accountable tier of governance.

Another project preceded that of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), influenced and in turn benefited by the government’s policy shift.

In Dindori village in Nashik district of Maharashtra, in 1978, Shyam Ashtekar and wife Ratna, both medical practitioners, started a private practice for people from small towns, distant villages and hamlets. Maharashtra has 42,000 revenue villages of which only 12,000 have either a PHC or a sub-centre. “In this void , irrational, exploitative services were fast developing uncontrolled in the villages, “says Ashtekar.

To beat this, the Ashtekars set up the Bharat Vaidyak Sanstha (BVS) to train health workers and a low-cost yet tastefully constructed hospital at Dindori. The health workers were motivated to start practice in villages on a paid-for basis.

Has the government’s new RCH (reproductive and child health) policy affected Ashtekar’s work? “To start a good dialogue on reproductive health we need a service in place. How can we even think of starting a new programme on the shoulders of auxiliary nurse midwives (ANMs), who do not reach out even to 30,000 villages?” he asks.

The Ashtekars, health activists, have presented their model of community base primary health care in the villages to the Government of Maharashtra. Villages without resident health facilities were selected, and trained health workers from the communities were provided. The Maharashtra Health Ministry has, in principle, accepted the model.

“This will have implications on the (RCH) policy”, says Ashtekar. While there is some reservation about the importance of an RCH policy there are other voices in public health policy that feel otherwise.

“When India became independent, the health-care policy was based on the prevention of diseases and promotion of health. Sometime along the way, it got lost and the emphasis became more and more on curative medicines,” says Dr Mohandas, Director of the Sree Chitra Tirunal Institute for Medical Sciences and Technology in Trivandrum, whose innovation was a two-year course in public health policy.

Changing social conditions also need policy responses. For example, Kerala’s demographic structure has been undergoing a gradual change, requiring a shift in policy. More than 10 per cent of the population is over 60, and life expectancy for women is 72 years and for men 64.

The village-level ANMs could monitor blood pressure or sugar levels. But at present they cater only to women in the reproductive age group, mainly pregnancy care or contraception.

“The health needs of elderly women need a more sensitive policy conceptualisation, based on the realities at the ground level”, points out Dr Tangappan. — WFS
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No “Gachak” in San Francisco
by K.K. Khullar

ABOUT three decades ago I promised my wife a trip to Singapore. It has not materialised till today. Something or the other happened and the trip was called off. Once we came back from the airport. On another occasion it was an official trip which was cancelled at the last moment. Thereafter, I stopped talking of Singapore. The passport I had got her expired without a visit anywhere.

A few months before my retirement I told her we were going to Nepal. She looked at me with contempt not amounting to hatred and reacted rather sharply:

“I have not been able to go to even Bhopal you are talking of Nepal” “You see, now we can go anywhere. I will be a free bird now” I said with an enthusiasm of a neo-convert.

“At 58 you call yourself a bird. What has happened to you?”

“You know we can fly anywhere. Singapore, sorry Hong Kong”.

“Now you are talking of King Kong”.

“I said Hong Kong, name of a country”.

“What is wrong with our country that I should go to some other country?”

“People go for various reasons: sight-seeing, recreation, bird-watching.”

“Again you are talking of birds. Why should you watch birds elsewhere? There are enough birds here.”

Saying this she left immediately for the garden. It seemed she remembered some forgotten appointment.

I followed her.

Ah, the pigeons were waiting for their feed. Sparrows were waiting for water and crows for their bread.

So we stayed where we were. I with my imaginary birds and she with her real fauna.

One day an NRI relation came to us and offered us two return tickets to the USA. I was thrilled. But when I asked her she replied rather angry that she was happy even in the divided states.

“See reason”, I implored. “Free tickets are at hand”.

“You saw the plight of our neighbour Baljit Kaur”.

“She went to some Arab country. We are going to America.”

Just at that juncture the door bell rang and Mr and Mrs Kwatra entered. They had gone to their daughter, on a free ticket, to San Francisco but returned unexpectedly early.

“Kwatraji, how was your trip to Amrika?”

It was Mrs Kwatra who replied: “It was miserable”.

“How come? Something happened there?”

It was now Mr Kwatra’s turn to reply.

With tears in his eyes he said: “Khullar Saab, nothing like your own country, I mean your own home”.

“What was the problem?”

“The problem was that during one month’s stay there we hardly talked to our daughter. She was always busy outside. The son-in-law, as you know, is stiff-necked. Both of them are doctors. They returned from work late in the evening and dashed towards their rooms. So did the children after school. We were left to ourselves. And having nothing else to do we quarrelled. So we thought Sarojani Nagar was much better.”

In the meantime my wife brought tea and home-made “Gachak” a sweet candy. The way the two of them pounced upon the Gur-made sweet was a sight.

With every sip of tea they said: “Saare Jahan Se Acchha Hindostan Hamara.”

“What is the second line, Khullar Saab?” Saying this, Kwatra untied his shoes, removed his socks, crossed his legs and sat on the sofa in a typically Punjabi style. I realised that he must be longing to do that in his daughter’s house at San Francisco.

Besides, there was no “Gachak” there.

Since then I have decided to enjoy the hospitality of my own motherland.
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Kosovo war

US strategy to ensure supremacy
By M.S.N. Menon

KOSOVO is not about human rights; it is not about the plight of refugees; it is, in fact, the unfolding of a diabolic strategy that is to keep America supreme in the 21st century.

But the talk is all about violations of human rights, of compassion for the Albanian refugees, of the “monster” called Milosovic.

We have seen all these before, when the cold war was being launched against the USSR. Then the talk was of the “evil empire”, of the threat of totalitarianism, of the loss of freedom and so on.

As usual, the world is not wiser about the real motives of US strategists. It is ready to accept the tears of Washington as genuine: this is the tragedy of our times.

Yugoslavia has done nothing to merit the US-NATO aggression. If President Milosovic has been a monster, there must be other ways to deal with him. And why is Russia not part of this effort? No one has given America the right to chastise nations for the way they treat their minorities. And where will this stop? Today, it is Yugoslavia; tomorrow, it can be India.

Kosovo is not just a piece of territory. It is the cradle, the Serbs say, of their civilisation. They are ready to die for it. If this is so, Milosovic is only exploiting their nationalism. The USA should have been more circumspect.

What is India’s position? India is opposed to secessionism. It has had a bitter experience — first from its own partition, and then from the insurgency in Kashmir, backed by a foreign power. Separatist insurgency is a problem which is common to Russia, China and India. Isn’t it interesting that in all those cases, the USA is on the side of the insurgents? Its objective? To weaken all these states. With such a record, the USA is suspect in all ethnic questions.

India’s sympathy is naturally with Yugoslavia. Being founder members of NAM, they have worked together for a quarter of a century.

Prime Minister Vajpayee has done well to speak out India’s mind. “No country”, he had said, “however powerful or resourceful it may be, can be allowed to act as a policeman of the world.” This is not going to deter the USA. It knows there is no powerful countervailing force today.

So, when Mr Vajpayee says that he is considering a strategic alliance with Russia and China, as proposed by Russian Prime Minister Primakov, he is on the right track. Perhaps Washington may even sit up and take notice.

Be that as it may, you will be doing the right thing, Mr Prime Minister, if you carry forward the nuclear and missile programme. Only then can we feel secure in this missile age. Weakness invites attacks, it is said. True. That is why we had to go for nuclear weapons and missiles.

We know that Moscow had always wanted India to become a nuclear power. Mr Igor Stroev, Speaker of the Russian Federation Council, the third most powerful man in Russia, says: “We feel India has the right to possess nuclear weapons for its self-defence...when missile attacks are being launched at countries arbitrarily and whimsically, flouting all international norms.

The USA has already made missile attacks on Afghanistan, Sudan and Iraq. Now the attack is on Yugoslavia. The interference is growing. If this is allowed to succeed, no country can be safe in the future. India has good reason to be concerned.

Yugoslavia was a federation of many ethnic groups. One by one, they have all seceded. Slovenia, Bosnia, Macedonia, and Croatia have already left the federation. What was the provocation for this assault on Yugoslavia? President Milosovic was ready to give greater autonomy to the Albanian people in Kosovo, but he was not ready to accept a US-led NATO military contingent in Kosovo. That would have led to the secession of Kosovo with US help. Remember Britain and America wanted to induct an Anglo-American force into Kashmir for the same purpose.

India is against the break-up of established nations. But the USA is not. It has never been concerned about the problem of refugees. It created the “boat people” of Vietnam, the Afghan refugees, and it showed no sympathy for India when Pakistan drove ten million people out of East Pakistan into India as refugees. If the USA is a compassionate nation, it should have been there in Rwanda when millions were being killed or driven out.

Then what is the real issue? The issue is hegemony — American bid for hegemony in the world. This is clear from its indifference to the United Nations. The UN was created to preserve peace in the world. Yet today Washington prefers to work outside the UN system. The reason is not for to seek: it wants to shape the world to suit its own purpose.

There are other explanations. First, the growing contradictions between the objectives of the UN and American ambitions. Second, America wants to free economic life of all regulations. But the UN system, by the sheer exigency of circumstances, is growing into a planned system — an anathema to the USA.

The USA soon lost faith in the UN. All it wanted was to destroy the system. It has already paralysed it by cutting funds.

Not this alone. The USA did not want the acrimonious North-South negotiations within the UN. So it created the World Trade Organisation (WTO) outside the UN framework. In the process, it has already undermined the authority of the UN system.

President Yeltsin has called the US action “outright aggression.” Strong words! He fears that the USA is turning itself into a world gendarmerie. Russia will never agree to this, he says.

Whatever the outcome, the Yugoslav episode will influence the course of future history. One hopes that NATO will not be brash to mount a land invasion of Yugoslavia. That could precipitate a cataclysm.

It is unbelievable that President Clinton could be so daft. By further humiliating the Russian people, he has ensured the return of the Communists as they already have a majority in the Duma. He has blocked further progress towards disarmament. (Moscow is unlikely to ratify either START-II or CTBT) and he has driven Moscow closer to Beijing. The effect of all these can be global. Already India and other countries are thinking of appropriate responses.

Was Kosovo that important to Clinton? The answer is yes. But only the most naive will believe that human rights is the issue before him. No, Kosovo is the curtain-raiser to a diabolic drama unfolding before our eyes.

What is this drama? It has been said that the centre of world economic activity has shifted to Asia, that Asia will dominate the economic life of the world in the 21st century. But we identified this “centre” with south-east and east Asia, even China. We were wrong. These are the poor areas of Asia compared to the vast landmass from the Urals to Vladivostok, including central Asia. This is going to be the centre of economic activity in the 21st century. This is virgin territory with unlimited resources of all kinds, especially oil and gas, which forms the basis of our industrial civilisation.

The USA had its eye on this region for a long time. But Russia was in its way. That is no more so. Plight regimes can be put up all over the place. Washington has already had a measure of success. NATO has come creeping close to the very borders of Russia. It can go deeper if not checked.

Two questions remain: why are European powers silent on the US aggression? And why this drama about Kosovo?

It is very easy to explain both. Here is the jackals’s psychology. It lets the lion (America) go for the kill while hanging about in patience for the leavings. This is the role the European powers have played throughout the post-war years. They stand to benefit immensely, which explains why they are dumb.

But why this drama about Kosovo? Again, the answer is simple. The region between the Urals and Vladivostok is the home of many Muslim nations and peoples. Their goodwill is necessary for Uncle Sam to exploit the region. For this they have to be assured that the USA is not the “great Satan”, but their real friend. That was why it sided with the Muslims of Chechnya in their struggle against Russia. It is now trying to appear as a friend of the Albanian Muslims.

The world is unaware of these games and strategies but if they are to be countered, Russia, China and India must work together. But will they?
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75 YEARS AGO

Murders at Kohat

MR Wardlaw-Milne asked the Under Secretary of State for India why the Indian government did not insist on the surrender of the Kohat gang of murderers. What guarantee did the government of India have that the men who were arrested in Afghanistan and deported by His Highness the Ameer to Turkestan will be kept in custody there and will not again get their freedom?

The Prime Minister (Mr J. Ramsay MacDonald): I have been asked to answer this question. In the absence of any extradition treaty with Afghanistan upon which to base a request for the surrender of the gang, the matter could only be dealt with in the light of broad political considerations among which was the fact that their surrender would have been unprecedented and contrary to the Afghan doctrine of asylum.

His Majesty’s government decided in the circumstances to accept the alternative of deportation to Afghan Turkestan. One of the conditions is that the Afghan government give an official guarantee that the gang will be kept under strict surveillance in a circumscribed area and that no member will ever be allowed to return to the vicinity of the Indian frontier.
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