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E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
![]() Friday, April 9, 1999 |
weather n
spotlight today's calendar |
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A
bigger blob of red
BEYOND
300 YEARS Health:
policies and innovation |
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US strategy to ensure supremacy No
Gachak in San Francisco
Murders
at Kohat |
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A bigger blob of red REVENUE collection last year is far short of even the revised estimate projected in the Union budget. The red in the government account books is acquiring a deeper hue. What is important to note is that since the economy continues to be plagued by old factors, the position can only get worse in the current financial year ending in March, 2000. Last years woes stem from slow industrial recovery with excise and customs duty collection dropping by over Rs 18,000 crore to Rs 93,100 crore although there was an increase in the realisation of income and corporation taxes. The total revenue shortfall on these two counts is Rs 6988 crore. This figure is based on the assumption that there will be no increase in revenue expenditure from what has been indicated in the revised estimates. If there is a hike, the gap will automatically widen. On the other hand, if late reporting adds to the collection, there will be some relief. Even at the present level, the revenue deficit the difference between revenue inflow and outgo will soar to 3.8 per cent of the GDP, the highest this decade. Usually it hovers around 3 per cent. The message that the
latest revenue mop-up figure carries is grim. Normally
the first three months of the year keeps the cash
register constantly ringing but this year except for
March, the collection remained dull. The sudden burst in
the last month is because of a last-minute rush to beat
the deadline and does not signal an improvement in
economic health. That is a cause for concern. The whole
set of government calculations is based in a turnaround
in the recession-hit economy, which alone will boost
government revenue and relieve some of the pressing
problems. It is also essential to find surplus for export
to encourage bigger imports. That is the normal
twin-track revenue mobilisation route. This is vitally
linked to reaching the growth target of 6 per cent and
the poverty alleviation hopes. A weak link here or there
will break the chain, as it happened last year, and
sustain the minor crisis. Now the only hope for an
economic revival is agriculture and so far the signals
are extremely favourable. But given agricultures
share in GDP at less than 30 per cent, even a record
harvest can only do that much. Then there is the
political fallout. The crisis-ridden Vajpayee government
is keen on exploiting the welcome which the budget
received and the prospect of a steady, if not
spectacular, recovery to blunt the opposition charge of
non-governance. Any perception of a stagnating economy
will defeat that plank. Above all, the
investment-production-demand cycle is driven by sentiment
and it is here that the budget has made a dent. The
latest figures and the looming fear of a bigger deficit
may trigger opposite psychology. Who said misfortune
never comes alone? |
Violence in the North-East THE fresh spurt of violence in the North-East has interrupted the process of stabilisation of the law and order situation. Once Assam was one single province governed by one Governor. The centre of British governance lay in London. Delhi was a link in the chain of statecraft. However, Assam was never ungovernable. We created seven states and called them Seven Sisters. Peace eludes every part of these fragmented products of the reorganisation of the states. Unless an area has the blessing of tranquillity, neither economy nor sociology is able to deliver the goods. The financial condition of the seven states is deteriorating fast. There is too much pressure on the scarce resources. A new plan for the coordinated governance of the entire region is necessary. The Indian Republic needs for success a kind of balance between conflicting interests and extremes, be that in Assam or in Kashmir. One extreme is anarchy, such as that found pronouncedly in the two states based on the imaginary impulse for freedom, and the other is centralised authoritarianism based on the impetus for measures demanding absolute economic and social justice. The former is a weak variety of liberalisation, at odds with any human possibility available in a modern society, except perhaps as an incidental option for dissatisfied vested interests providing an equivalent for tourist attraction. What is the beauty of Shillong worth if the Bodo belt keeps on bleeding? One has to rethink the idea underlining the art and craft of regionalised governance. The militants should be made to realise that their arrogance is self-destructive. The other extreme needs total socialisation which is demanded by all those opposed to the present trend towards the privatisation of society and not the socialisation of self. In sum, the notion of
transferring control over the means of production to the
people or to society as a whole is an empty slogan. The
crux, therefore, lies in preferences among basic liberty,
equality of opportunity and social and economic gains. In
other words, it is entirely up to the people, the
ultimate masters, to decide if the present geographical
set-ups correspond to their conception in a Republic, and
if these fulfil their legitimate social and economic
aspirations. If they do, how can they be streamlined to
serve the peoples interests better? After all, the
people get not only the government but also the form of
government they deserve. Years ago, Prof Kenneth
Galbraith, a former US Ambassador to India, described
this country as a functioning anarchy. As
though to improve on the epithet, a British writer called
it amiable chaos. The North-East is not for
burning and bleeding. The rule of law must prevail there.
Or we should review our policy of creating more small
states Uttaranchal, Vananchal, Chhattisgarh.... |
BEYOND 300 YEARS
ON the historic occasion of the tercentenary celebrations of the Khalsa Panth, Anandpur Sahib has re-emerged as the focal point of the Sikhs faith. More than the symbolic acts of offering prayers and paying respect, this holy City of Bliss provides an opportunity to the faithful to look inward and do an honest auditing for marching ahead on the right lines laid down in the Adi Granth and by the 10 Gurus. There should be no room for distortions and distorted thinking. The great faith that Sikhism is, it cannot be restricted by narrow sectarian parameters. Guru Nanak Dev and other Gurus were reformists. They were liberal thinkers who saw religion in terms of the best human values of love, compassion, freedom, brotherhood and the purity of means as well as ends to achieve goals. They advocated dignity of men and women and reiterated the need for tolerance, understanding and respect to other faiths. This is what secularism is all about. Viewed thus, the recent problems of militancy, terrorism and communal tension in Punjab were mainly because some misguided followers took a narrow view of the teachings of the Gurus. This narrow thinking process has to be reversed so that the Panth finds a wider base in the hearts of the people belonging to various sects and religions. To appreciate this point, we must familiarise ourselves with the ethical and spiritual roots of the Panth and its phenomenal growth as a great guide of the people of Punjab, nay, India and humanity at large. A narrow and limited understanding of this great faith can be self-defeating. This is something the Akali and other political leaders must understand. Religion is not a plaything. Nor is it a mere instrument of narrow politics. So, when Mr Gurcharan Singh Tohra, former SGPC President, questions the inaugural ceremony being performed by Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee at the Anandpur Sahib celebrations, he forgets some of the basic tenets of the Gurus teachings. The doors of the Gurus benediction are open to everyonethe mightiest as well as the lowliest. For the lowliest, however, there is something special. Says Guru Nanak Dev: The lowest of the low
castes, The new custodians of the faith need to constantly remember this message of equality, justice and compassion. Indeed, herein lies the strength of the Panth as symbolised by two great traditions of kar sewa and langar. These two traditions unite the high and the low. Here the form of practice is not important. What matters is the spirit behind it. The spirit of service is very much alive in Punjab. Equally heart-warming is the single-minded devotion of the community in the rural and urban areas of the state and beyond. A matter of faith, of course, is more than ritual religious practices and in Punjab, it is ingrained in all walks of life, politics included. It is remarkable to see a total transformation of Anandpur Sahib as a historic town where the founder of the Khalsa Panth, Guru Gobind Singh, spent 25 years of his life. The holy City of Bliss has been painted white, symbolising purity of the faith. It was actually founded by Guru Teg Bahadur, the ninth Guru, in 1665. But it was during the long sojourn of Guru Gobind Singh that the town became the hub of religious activities. Later, on the Baisakhi day in 1699, the tenth Guru, to quote an official booklet, laid the foundation of the brave and casteless fellowship of the Khalsa. With this the Panj Piaras tradition too was born. The tenth Guru virtually reshaped the destiny of the Sikh community. He provided a distinct identity to the followers of Sikhism. Much of the communitys vigour, valour, fearlessness, the spirit of service and sacrifice are an indelible mark he left on the life and attitudes of the people of Punjab. As the celebrations pick up momentum, the question which is being asked is whether there will be trouble at Anandpur Sahib between the followers of Mr Gurcharan Singh Tohra and those of Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal because of their recent rift. It is a fact that Mr Tohra is bent upon organising a separate celebration to mark the occasion. What will be the response of the Badal group is not yet clear. However, in the changed atmosphere of Punjab, it will not be easy to create trouble. Sheer power of devotion and faith of the people coming to Anandpur Sahib will deter the Tohra group from creating any problem here, Bhai Manjit Singh told me during my brief meeting with him at Anandpur Sahib. Bhai Manjit Singh, who sportingly acknowledges being dubbed by his detractors a sarkari jathedar, is probably right in his assessment. The mood in Punjab has changed for the better. The people here want peace and development. The memories of a decade of militancy in the state are still fresh. That is why they are very cautious in reacting and responding to moves and counter-moves of different political groups. There is surely an official stamp on the celebrations. This is but natural, though the SGPC is conducting the show. The softspoken Jathedar Manjit Singh is there. So are several young dynamic officers like Ms Vini Mahajan and Ms Jaspreet Talwar who are coordinating with the various agencies involved in the celebrations. Without the official backing and patronage, it would not have been possible to organise such largescale celebrations in tune with popular expectations. And it so happens that the Akalis are in power. And Mr Parkash Singh Badal is definitely using the occasion to widen his political base and regain whatever ground he might have lost in his recent tussle with Mr Tohra. Looking beyond, it must be said that religion is the core concern of the common man in India. It sets the pace for life and attitudes. If practised in the right spirit, it makes things sublime both at the personal and social levels. A distorted response plays havoc and disturbs harmony among people. What has, however, been disquieting in recent years is the way religion has been politicised and communalised. Interestingly, the major beneficiaries of religion in this country have been politicians. For their acts of omission and commission, people only blame themselves or take their failures philosophically as Gods wish. Be that as it may. On this historic occasion, we need to see the strength of the Khalsa Panth in a broad perspective, and not with narrow angularities. The message of the Gurus is crystal clear. Sikhism stands for a humane and value-based society and governance, both at the individual and community levels. The Tenth Master, interestingly, defined a Khalsa as the one who is pure of heart, compassionate, devotee of the one God, shorn of superstitions of all kinds and who treats humanity as one (Guru Gobind Singh: 33 Swayyas). The letter of protest that Guru Gobind Singh wrote to Aurangzeb (called Zafarnama) clearly states that the Gurus fight was for religious freedom for all and against the irreligious and un-Islamic conduct of Aurangzeb! It is wrong to suggest that violence is part of Sikh religious ethos.The Tenth Guru never anointed his own Dasam Granth (containing mostly war poetry) as the Guru after him. The guiding ethos and philosophy emanate from the Adi Granth, every word of which enjoins on man peace, sacrifice, compassion, self-surrender and forgiveness in the name of the one and only God and meditation on the utterance of this name. The Gurus have advocated brotherhood. The Sikh religion and traditions do not divide people. Guru Nanak Dev observed, There is no Hindu, no Musalman. He advocated the importance of human values and the togetherness of humanity. The Hindu-Sikh ties too ought to be constantly viewed historically, in terms of words and deeds of the Gurus. Viewed in this light, we
must not let Punjab burn again. This is possible if we
follow the teachings of the Gurus in letter and spirit
and not allow the indissoluble centuries of old
Hindu-Sikh ties of bread and blood to be played
around for petty political gains. Communal harmony holds
the key to the future of Punjab. |
Health: policies and innovation THE panchayat is the only constitutionally mandated body of local self-governance, says Dr Swapna Mukhopadhyaya of the ISST (Indian Social Studies Trust), New Delhi, speaking of local structures of governance. From the United Nations headquarters to national, regional and international organisations, there is an active debate and dialogue about the role of civil society in governance. Traditionally, policy has been seen as the task of governments. But with advances in development, technology and information about rights, individuals and communities are participating in governance be it policy making or carrying it out. The field of reproductive health is part of this change. NGOs can play the role of catalysts. Panchayats need to be made more accountable. Any large-scale initiative has to involve the panchayats, for whom health is at present not a priority, says Dr Mukhopadhyaya. If health is not a priority for panchayats, is it for state assemblies or Parliament? India developed and adopted a family planning programme in the 1950s, long before many countries even thought about it. Over the years, there has been criticism of the governments target approach, in which health workers were given targets or the number of people who have accepted family planning and judged by these. Targets also meant sterilisation. Since the 1980s, NGOs and community groups have devised small-scale approaches and practices alternative to the governments target. At the national level, in a far-reaching move, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare in March announced a Target-Free Approach (TFA) followed by the Community Needs Assessment Approach (CNAA). This has meant a more client-centered approach with emphasis on quality or care. This policy shift has given a boost to individuals and organisations working at the community level. Some of these are supported by the India programme of the US-based John T and Catherine D MacArthur Foundations innovative reproductive health work in India. The ISSTs project is one such work. In the villages of Himachal Pradesh the ISST team helped women collect data on sanitation, drinking water and health through mahila mandals (womens committees). The women were barely literate, and government health sub-centres were located according to the population size. In the mountains where hamlets are scattered this did not make sense. Modifications according to local conditions can be channelised through panchayats, the ISST found. After all, it was the base level and the accountable tier of governance. Another project preceded that of the International Conference on Population and Development (ICPD), influenced and in turn benefited by the governments policy shift. In Dindori village in Nashik district of Maharashtra, in 1978, Shyam Ashtekar and wife Ratna, both medical practitioners, started a private practice for people from small towns, distant villages and hamlets. Maharashtra has 42,000 revenue villages of which only 12,000 have either a PHC or a sub-centre. In this void , irrational, exploitative services were fast developing uncontrolled in the villages, says Ashtekar. To beat this, the Ashtekars set up the Bharat Vaidyak Sanstha (BVS) to train health workers and a low-cost yet tastefully constructed hospital at Dindori. The health workers were motivated to start practice in villages on a paid-for basis. Has the governments new RCH (reproductive and child health) policy affected Ashtekars work? To start a good dialogue on reproductive health we need a service in place. How can we even think of starting a new programme on the shoulders of auxiliary nurse midwives (ANMs), who do not reach out even to 30,000 villages? he asks. The Ashtekars, health activists, have presented their model of community base primary health care in the villages to the Government of Maharashtra. Villages without resident health facilities were selected, and trained health workers from the communities were provided. The Maharashtra Health Ministry has, in principle, accepted the model. This will have implications on the (RCH) policy, says Ashtekar. While there is some reservation about the importance of an RCH policy there are other voices in public health policy that feel otherwise. When India became independent, the health-care policy was based on the prevention of diseases and promotion of health. Sometime along the way, it got lost and the emphasis became more and more on curative medicines, says Dr Mohandas, Director of the Sree Chitra Tirunal Institute for Medical Sciences and Technology in Trivandrum, whose innovation was a two-year course in public health policy. Changing social conditions also need policy responses. For example, Keralas demographic structure has been undergoing a gradual change, requiring a shift in policy. More than 10 per cent of the population is over 60, and life expectancy for women is 72 years and for men 64. The village-level ANMs could monitor blood pressure or sugar levels. But at present they cater only to women in the reproductive age group, mainly pregnancy care or contraception. The health needs
of elderly women need a more sensitive policy
conceptualisation, based on the realities at the ground
level, points out Dr Tangappan. WFS |
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