Muddying the telecom muddle
EVERYTIME the BJP-led alliance government hopes to shoo it away, the telecom scandal storms back with redoubled vigour. As it did on Wednesday.

Meeting defence needs
THE Kargil crisis that has fortunately ended in India's favour has laid bare the truth that the country cannot afford to adopt a policy of reducing its defence expenditure, specially in view of the geopolitical situation in the South Asian region.

TACKLING TRANS-BORDER TERRORISM
Importance of stable ties with USA
by Hari Jaisingh
HOW stable are Indo-American relations? The question is critical in the context of India's long-term interests. There is new optimism in South Block about US perception of this country against the backdrop of the position Washington took during the Kargil conflict.

The Kennedy mystique
by R. A. Singh
IS there really a curse of Camelot? Even non-believers might begin to wonder after the tragic and untimely demise of the reigning prince of the Kennedy clan: John F. Kennedy, Jr — or John John, as he was affectionately known to a whole generation of Americans, who had watched with a lump in their throats when the assassinated President’s son, then hardly three years old, stood and saluted as the casket went by.

Capitalism — then and now
By M.S.N. Menon
WHAT goes for capitalism today is not what it was between 1945 and 1980. That was a regulated capitalism with a human face; true, not as regulated as Socialism or Communism. What we have today is truly “free” market capitalism, free to go anywhere, free from government regulation, free from trade union control, free from concern for employees, free from capital control and free from customs barriers or even taxation.

Oxford Dictionary soliciting new words
THE distinguished Oxford English Dictionary needs you. The dictionary, widely regarded as the ultimate authority on the English language, has launched a worldwide appeal for words as it prepares to go online to mark the new millennium with the most comprehensive lexicon ever.

Nanny, nanny!
by Anjali Majumdar
MOTHER testifies Indian-born nanny killed son. That was a recent headline, the tragedy having occurred in California: a 13-month old boy was allegedly shaken to death by Manjit Basuta.

75 Years Ago

Empire Exhibition
THE Empire Exhibition was thronged all day by 80,000 people who also attended the opening. The novelties of the Hong Kong shopping centre cast a spell over many of the visitors, while the native workers in the walled cities of West Africa were overwhelmed with the attention of the crowd.

Muddying the telecom muddle

EVERYTIME the BJP-led alliance government hopes to shoo it away, the telecom scandal storms back with redoubled vigour. As it did on Wednesday. Cellular and basic telephone operators quickly agreed to comply with the High Court stipulation, raising visions of an end to the controversy. But discordant voices were heard from two sources. Government-owned lending institutions declined to help out the operators until Parliament approved the policy. Continuing uncertainty is not conducive to investing crores of rupees (approximately Rs 7,500 crore), they say. That was a soul-crushing dampener.The news from the Delhi Science Forum, which filed the public interest litigation, is not encouraging either; in fact it is quite disturbing. It says it will agitate its main issue before the court on August 10 and that relates to the legality of giving away about Rs 1400 crore now and several times that every year. The Forum seems to be on strong ground. The High Court has disposed of the case only partly and is open to hear further arguments and the issue of the eventual loss of revenue is a substantial one. In fact, the two-Judge Bench has already sought an estimate of the financial implications of the new policy. A thorough inquiry into this aspect will only intensify the government’s troubles, apart from prolonging the case and delaying a final outcome till after the coming elections.

Elections! Everyone’s eyes are riveted on the polling. The BJP and its ruling allies will love to put the scandal behind them before they approach the voter. An unresolved telecom dispute will weigh the parties down, raising a mild stink of financial hocus-pocus. What is more, it will force the alliance partners to distance themselves from the BJP, as they have already started doing. So far not one leader from other parties has spoken up for the new policy; this is true of incessant and compulsive talkers like Defence Minister Fernandes. The opposition ranks are remarkably united on criticising the haste in revising the policy and demanding a temporary postponement of the implementation part. The bitterest critic of the new policy, the CPM, has once again said that a broad consensus exists on the main components of the policy and there are excellent chances of its passage in the new Parliament. A BJP spokesman has dismissed this statement as the Marxist party’s customary double-talk. What he and his seniors have failed to realise is that it offers an honourable way-out of the impasse. The government can formally announce its decision to keep the policy in abeyance till the elections. And that meets all the objections raised by high constitutional authorities and not-so-high politicos.

Since the government is hardly in a position to push through the changes within the next four weeks, the BJP can make a virtue of necessity and hark back to the objections of the President (not the done thing by an interim government), the Election Commission (“we are surprised at the speed”) and the Delhi High Court (Parliament has to pass the changes) and bow before them. There is no loss of face in respecting the weighty opinion of three respected offices. The BJP-led government has put up a fight, which entitles it to claim that it believes in the correctness of the policy. It can now say that it does not want to fight Rashtrapati Bhavan, Nirvachan Sadan and the High Court. Who knows, this back-pedalling, if packaged imaginatively, may even win it a round of applause.

Meeting defence needs

THE Kargil crisis that has fortunately ended in India's favour has laid bare the truth that the country cannot afford to adopt a policy of reducing its defence expenditure, specially in view of the geopolitical situation in the South Asian region. Tuesday's newspapers carried an agency report containing the views of three noted strategic thinkers — Cdre Uday Bhaskar, Deputy Director, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, Maj-Gen Y.S. Gera of the United Services Institution and Lt-Gen Hridayanath Kaul (retd) — who want India to have sufficient funds for the upgradation and modernisation of its military. But this is not possible when 80 per cent of the allocated funds are spent on the payment of salaries and pensions. One view is that India's defence allocation should be increased to at least 4 per cent of the GDP, with an additional 1.5 per cent for updating the skills of the forces with the help of foreign sources and through our own research and development efforts. One fails to understand how the 1999-2000 defence budget was fixed at 2.28 per cent of the GDP, which showed an 11 per cent increase in the allocation but zero per cent in real terms. The big gap between the requirement of funds and their availability must be reduced, if it cannot be eliminated altogether. No doubt, there is a general trend world-wide towards reducing the expenditure on defence, but the situation in the case of India is different. It has a hostile neighbour which spends as much as 5.13 per cent of the GDP on defence, besides always remaining on the look-out for an opportunity to create problems for this country. Another neighbour, China, too, does not believe in slashing its defence budget. It spends 4.5 per cent of the GDP on this score and maintains a well-oiled military machine. The votaries of a thin defence budget have been arguing that in the presence of the nuclear deterrent the possibility of a full-fledged war is no longer there. That is all right, but most defence experts are convinced that war-like situations will continue to be faced by India. It, therefore, has no reason to be lax on its military preparedness , which demands an uninterrupted flow of funds. The promises of the government that enough money would be provided whenever required failed to be of much help during the drive of the armed forces to vacate the Pakistani aggression, described as intrusion on India's side of the Line of Control.

The Kargil crisis has demolished the argument that the real strength of a nation lies in its economic advancement, and not in the level of its defence preparedness. Even Prof Amartya Sen, the winner of the 1998 Nobel Prize for economics, who earlier stood for a minimum defence expenditure, now believes that "military adventures and international economic relations are interrelated". China is, perhaps, the finest example which has been acquiring as much economic muscle as possible without compromising on its security requirements. It is possible, as Professor Sen argues, that India received tremendous diplomatic support during the Kargil crisis because of the better health of its economy in comparison to that of Pakistan. India's defence needs, in any case, deserve a fresh look as it may have to face new types of military conflicts as experienced in the Kargil sector.

TACKLING TRANS-BORDER TERRORISM
Importance of stable ties with USA

by Hari Jaisingh

HOW stable are Indo-American relations? The question is critical in the context of India's long-term interests. There is new optimism in South Block about US perception of this country against the backdrop of the position Washington took during the Kargil conflict. This optimism is not entirely misplaced, though it is yet to be fully tested on the touchstone of reality and commonality of interests beyond the limited Kargil issue. Creating illusions in foreign policy moves can be as dangerous as the failure to react and respond to new situations and opportunities on the global chessboard.

What is desirable is one thing but what can be realistically achieved is altogether different. In the pursuit of certain policies and objectives, Indian policy-makers generally base their assumptions not on a realistic appraisal of a given situation but on what they wish to see. This tendency becomes pronounced perhaps because of our inability to evolve clear goals and targets and work out a concrete plan of action to achieve them. The conduct of foreign policy over the past few decades would show how the country's interests have suffered because of the mismatch between assured goals and the efforts put in to achieve them.

In fact, the earlier foreign policy plans on which our national security and foreign policy objectives were structured are no longer relevant. Indian foreign policy, as once External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh had underlined, has to address itself to several new issues like trans-border terrorism, narcotics and international trade in them, a non-discriminatory nuclear order, technology transfer, a fair approach to global trade, the depletion of the ozone layer, the consequent green-house effect, environmental issues, etc.

One problem with Indian policy-makers is that they are not target- bound. We generally pursue a policy of reaction. We react to events instead of setting the pace for events to further the country's interests. Of course, certain changes in the response system have of late been visible. The Vajpayee government's decision to go nuclear was one such trend-setting event, though matching diplomatic efforts to explain India's viewpoint on the nuclear issue were missing with the result that the country suffered on the political, economic and diplomatic fronts. The Kargil crisis, however, has proved to be a turning point, which should prompt us to look beyond and redefine India's foreign policy objectives. How should we go about this task?

First, one major area of concern is insurgency and terrorism. From Kashmir to the North-East, terrorism poses a major challenge to our democratic system. The presence of the foreign hand, that is the ISI, and sundry local terrorist outfits is widely known. How do we tackle this menace and take the world community along? The answer is simple. India should shift the focus from Kashmir to terrorism in the form of militant Islamic fundamentalism unleashed by Pakistan and the Taliban terrorists.

During my conversation with Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee in New Delhi the other day, it was reassuring to hear that the government is already thinking on these lines. I am not sure of the nature of the government's response. But I am very clear that one major objective of Indo-American ties should be the containment of terrorism as practised by Osama bin Laden and his terrorist group. This should suit American interests. Since India is a major sufferer on this count, it should take the initiative in seeking the active cooperation of the USA to effectively deal with this major threat to regional, nay, global peace.

The question here is not of liquidating well-armed fanatic groups. The challenge is much bigger. At stake is the very survival of democratic societies the world over. I am not suggesting counter-moves for control of the mind. What I want is that India and the USA should join hands to face the challenge. This will probably require a comprehensive plan of action which can be jointly worked out by the think-tanks in the two countries.

True, Indo-US relations today are better than ever before. All that is needed is the identification of mutual interests and goals in various areas, especially for countering cross-border terrorism. In this context, a consensus seems to be emerging as it did in the case of Kargil.

The growing positive response from US Congressmen was reflected the other day when Indiana Republican representative Dan Burton's latest attempt at legislative India-bashing was stalled. Here I would like to quote the way Congressman Gary Ackerman (New York Democrat), Co-Chairman of the Congressional India Caucus, came out in support of this country.

He declared: "The gentleman from Indiana (Burton) stands here as a champion of human rights. Does he not know that in Kashmir, there is an elected government that is under continuous assault from secessionist terrorists who are responsible for numerous serious abuses, including extrajudicial executions, torture, kidnapping and extortion? Mr Chairman, the fountainhead of human rights violations in Kashmir is state-sponsored terrorism from across the border."

Congressman Frank Pallone, Jr, (New Jersey Democrat) was also equally forthright in demolishing Mr Burton's charge of atrocities in Kashmir and Punjab. I wish to quote the relevant portion for the information of our readers and to underline the emerging positive thinking among the influential Congressmen in the USA.

He declared: "The true human rights problem in Kashmir is the violent separatist movement supported by Pakistan, carried out by followers of Bin Laden and other extremist terrorist leaders, destroying the homes and lives of thousands of peace-loving Hindus and Muslims. Kashmir is part of India. Indian security forces are trying to maintain order and protect all the citizens of Kashmir, Muslims and Hindus alike, just like we would for any state in our country."

The second major area of cooperation between Washington and New Delhi must relate to the strengthening of democratic institutions. And democratic institutions in the two countries can be beefed up if there is better understanding about mutual sensitivities and interests. India's complaint has been that US policy-makers do not have proper appreciation of this country's ground realities and dimensions of problems. Perhaps there are also grey areas in Indian mindset about America's perspective and its global interests. This is apparently due to the existing superficialities that guide the relationship.

The third area of cooperation should be in the fields of economy, science and technology. It is no secret that India's technical and scientific brains are contributing to enriching American society. It also needs to be appreciated that the USA is utilising Indian brain power, nurtured at a heavy cost by the Indian tax-payer. The USA will only be paying back this debt if it, in turn, helps this country upgrade its technology.

This is not a tall order. The bitter Pokhran-II chapter needs to be closed once and for all. Indeed, the time has come for Washington to resist the temptation of reacting on a peace-meal basis. It should see India in the larger global framework and accordingly evolve a new response vis-a-vis this country.

The fourth necessary element for stable Indo-American ties will require Washington to give up its old obsession with equating India with Pakistan. India is a much bigger nation — a major Asian power with rich civilisational values. It has common borders with China as well.

The trouble with the policy-makers in Washington has been that they tend to see India in terms of Pakistan and not vis-a-vis China and other big and small nations on its periphery. During the Kargil crisis, the USA could come out of its old mindset. There is no reason why it should not formalise this thinking which will correct major distortions of the Cold War days.

India expects a more nuanced response from the White House. The Prime Minister was not off the mark when he told me during my meeting with him that the American response so far has been "too little and too late". The real challenge to Indian diplomacy lies in making US leaders recognise this country's genuine interests and needs in a more positive and understanding manner.

India will always be strategically important because of its size and location. It will also be cultivated commercially as a market comprising a billion people, with the second biggest middle class in the world. The weak point in this setting is the solid segment of 400-500 million people who live at the poverty level with a million more in the surrounding parameter whose "rising expectations and growing frustrations" are crying for our urgent attention.

India's Lodestar in the next millennium must exhibit "our ability to keep up with the push and pace in social and economic achievement" while carving out a legitimate and honourable place in the emerging global order.

Indo-American understanding can be an asset for finding proper answers to our problems in the region and beyond. To achieve the desired results we shall have to be clear about our goals and priorities.

The Kennedy mystique
by R. A. Singh

IS there really a curse of Camelot? Even non-believers might begin to wonder after the tragic and untimely demise of the reigning prince of the Kennedy clan: John F. Kennedy, Jr — or John John, as he was affectionately known to a whole generation of Americans, who had watched with a lump in their throats when the assassinated President’s son, then hardly three years old, stood and saluted as the casket went by.

Like all the other Kennedys, John lived well and played hard, often taking the spirit of adventure beyond the level of prudence. His athletic activities had in the past resulted in a broken leg. But he clearly did not heed the warning of fate. Taking off during a night of poor visibility in a new high-performance aircraft that he had not flown too often was indeed foolhardy, but it was also an indication of his supreme confidence in himself.

No one will probably ever know just how the plane plunged into the Atlantic Ocean just off the Massachusetts coastline near Martha’s Vineyard, where John was headed to drop off his sister-in-law, Lauren Bessette. He would then have gone on with his wife, Carolyn Bessette Kennedy, to the family home in Hyannisport, to attend a cousin’s wedding. But providence willed otherwise, and the wedding turned into a wake.

Americans of all political hues feel a sense of personal loss in the latest tragedy that overtook yet another member of the Kennedy clan. In the prime of life at 38, full of potential promise, John really was someone the nation had taken to its heart. When the plane was reported missing, the entire nation prayed. “Oh, no, not again!” was a common refrain among a grieving people, from President Clinton down to the lowest of the low. The Kennedy clan has always held a fascination for the American people, in no small measure due to the dark shadow of tragedy that seemed to hover over the family. No wonder, the television networks cut into regular programmes to air almost round-the-clock coverage of the tragedy.

Almost everyone wonders with a deep sense of sympathy how one family can be afflicted with such a great share of tragedy. The list of the Kennedy clan’s misfortunes is long and harrowing. President Kennedy’s brother was killed in a World War-II plane crash. John John’s baby brother, Patrick, died in 1963 when he was just two days old. President Kennedy was assassinated three months later. His younger brother, Senator Robert Kennedy, was also shot and killed while campaigning for the presidency in 1968. The very next year came the Chappaquiddick incident in which the third brother, Senator Edward Kennedy, drove off a bridge with a young woman aide, resulting in her death, and ensuring that Kennedy himself could never aspire to be President.

The luck of the younger Kennedys has not been much better. David Kennedy died from a drug overdose in 1984, and Michael Kennedy lost his life in a 1997 skiing accident. Another Kennedy had to be institutionalised because of retardation and a failed lobotomy. One of the Kennedys was accused of rape, but acquitted. Others have been afflicted with paralysis and cancer.

In the midst of all the misfortunes, the Kennedys have managed to remain handsome, high-profile individuals, with a reputation for public service and a liberal concern for the under-privileged. Senator Edward (Ted) Kennedy, who had several tumultuous and incident-packed years, has now settled down with his second wife, and is successfully playing the patriarch to the rest of the family. He is respected by friends and foes alike as a hard-working, effective Senator espousing liberal causes.

Ted Kennedy was extremely found of John John and was certain that his nephew had a bright future of public service in front of him. He certainly had the face, the fortune and the fame that being a Kennedy bestowed on him. But greatness rested lightly on him. He possessed genuine grace and generosity, and his inherent humility reached out to all who came in contact with him. He once agreed to speak at Washington College in Chestertown, Maryland, only after college officials promised not to award him an honorary degree for his work with various charities. John declined the honour because he did not believe he deserved it.

It is not too widely known that John once made a late night appearance outside the Montgomery County Detention Centre to express support for a friend: Mike Tyson. John felt the former heavyweight world boxing champion, in all kinds of trouble of his own making, was really quite different from his public image. John just turned up at the Detention Centre, without inviting any media hoopla. He did not want the headlines; he only wished to lend a helping hand to a friend.

His attitude was not surprising, for John too was quite different from his high profile public image. Although obliged to be the Prince of the Kennedys, John seemed determined to make his way through life without fanfare. He preferred public transportation to limousines. And his penchant to laugh at himself was an endearing trait.

Sadly, the world will never know what this charmed but ill-fated Kennedy could have accomplished. But he will always be remembered and respected by the less privileged, for he did indeed walk among them.

Nanny, nanny!
by Anjali Majumdar

MOTHER testifies Indian-born nanny killed son. That was a recent headline, the tragedy having occurred in California: a 13-month old boy was allegedly shaken to death by Manjit Basuta.

My mind went back to the summer of 1997 when I happened to be in America, and followed with great interest a similar tragedy when another British nanny, less than half the age of Ms Basuta, was likewise accused of having killed the infant son of the Eapens in Boston. The court proceedings aroused strong feelings on both sides of the Atlantic.

I shall not dwell on the trial except to say that the verdict was highly controversial: guilty of manslaughter. She was sentenced to the 279 days she had already served in prison. There was a later case brought against her by the Eapens which again does not concern us.

But what does concern me is the almost incredible judgement of the Eapens, both doctors, in hiring this teenaged girl with practically no experience or training to look after their two children, one of whom was an infant.

Having had two sons born 15 months apart, I know just what is involved in looking after children — and I had a most understanding and devoted Jaya to help me. As for the care of others’ offspring, I just couldn’t do it even at my age. How then can a teenage girl — and that too one who is new to the country, and therefore eager to get out to know it — manage childcare for a stranger?

The son of a friend, whose wife also works full time has just gone to live in London. They have a child of just a few months who is cared for by a Filipina lady who come in for 12 hours from seven in the morning, five days a week. They pay her 450 pounds a month, and consider her cheap at the price specially since she acts as a sort of housekeeper.

Very cheap indeed compared to the top of the range nannies trained by Norland College, about 150 km from London. They expect 1, 700 pounds a month; if they live in, half as much again, though fresh graduates will come for less. But then they have undergone a proven course for two years at a cost of more than 25,000 pounds.

They have been taught the virtues of home cooking — nothing out of a can, not even pasta — how to sing a soothing lullaby (brings back memories of me and my husband singing to ours every single night after the obligatory goodnight story), and how to burp babies. “When they graduate they know the right toys and books for different ages, and what to feed children with allergies, how to mend and embroider. (The Wall Street Journal.) No wonder they are in demand by Arab royalty and stressed out executives.

A few years ago, when staying with the St Lawrences a young couple came to lunch with their baby of a few months. He was a dealer in forex and judging from his car, a Porsche, very rich. She told me that she had a nanny — not a Norland graduate, I think — who was most particular about brooking no interference from her. The clothes, the outings to the park (which park?), the food was all her prerogative — and visits to the nursery were not welcome.

The punchline now: I asked what did she work at which required her to hire a nanny. She ran a nanny hiring service.

Capitalism — then and now
By M.S.N. Menon

WHAT goes for capitalism today is not what it was between 1945 and 1980. That was a regulated capitalism with a human face; true, not as regulated as Socialism or Communism. What we have today is truly “free” market capitalism, free to go anywhere, free from government regulation, free from trade union control, free from concern for employees, free from capital control and free from customs barriers or even taxation. It is capitalism without a human face. It is as different as cheese from chalk.

Perhaps most of us have not yet seen it as such!

The issue is ethics. Corporations are not moral entities. Their job is to make profit. Hence the need for government regulation. It is the job of the government to make capitalism less oppressive. That role is perennial. It cannot be taken away. But, alas, once you invest the bureaucrat with power, he will expand its scope till he is in complete control! This is what happened everywhere. Even in America.

In America, there was little public ownership, but much of public regulation — of even prices and tariffs. Thus, unfettered capitalism was nowhere in existence. In Socialist countries, all production was under the state. Naturally, there was little control on quality. The government could not be its own critic.

By the 70’s, controlled capitalism was the norm. As bureaucratisation spread to the private sector, America became less and less competitive. It was time to deregulate the economy. In America, this was done by Ronald Reagan. In UK, the task was taken up by Margarat Thatcher. Thus was born free market capitalism. But freedom must be universal. One part of the world cannot be free and the other part unfree. Globalisation was thus inevitable.

Free market capitalism calls for the privatisation of all economic and social activities (I underline ‘social’ activities, for they were taboo to old capitalism) — from the privatisation of industry to the privatisation of water supply, from the privatisation of education to the privatisation of jails and old age homes. Everything is to be run for profit. And more profit can come only by enlarging the area of capitalism. Hence the insistence on including social activities.

They have monetised everything by now, even plant life. At this rate, free market capitalism will soon begin to process and package soil for sale by the kilogram! Perhaps our grandsons will see those days.

But wait! There are some philosophic questions, for which I find no answers. In our rush to monotise everything on earth, to convert everything, including the soil, into money, we have almost exhausted many resources. Now what? Will money bring us happiness? If not, why run after money? It is not the route to human happiness. What is worse, in our craze to turn everything into money, we have made the earth uninhabitable! Where do these men with money plan to go? To another planet? To do what? To repeat their folly?

But this is to provoke some thought among readers. The purpose of this article is to have a quick look at the spread of free market capitalism. And I can tell you that it is not gaining much ground.

Globalisation has not touched Cuba and Haiti. In much of Latin America, the old statism continues, as also public ownership. Brazil and Argentina are exceptions. There are residual barriers to trade and investment everywhere. Yet it must be said that the trend is towards a free market.

America and Canada, are, of course, free market countries par excellence. Here, trade unions have become weak over the years. Deregulation led to an enormous surge in business and many have amassed vast amount of money. But while the rich have become richer, the poor have become poorer. In the last 20 years, wages have actually declined.

In the European Union, where labour unions are strong, the progress towards free market has been slow. More so, in France, Italy and Germany, the major countries of the Union. Here the laws are still in favour of labour. Yet the big industries are pressing the EU to give up the policy of labour protection. In Sweden, dismantling of the old welfare model is going on, while in Norway this is being resisted. Only UK and Switzerland can be said to be truly free market economies.

In former USSR, the progress is rather slow. In Russia, in spite of chaotic conditions, a free market structure has emerged. The same cannot be said of Central Asia, which is yet to be democratised and industrialised.

In Eastern Europe, the progress is more substantial. But in almost all countries of the region, labour has suffered. As a result, more and more people are voting in favour of former Communist. This will have its impact in the coming years.

In Asia, North Korea remains in splendid isolation. So, to some extent, are Cambodia, Myanmar and Sri Lanka, for different reasons. Japan, New Zealand, Australia, Singapore, Hong Kong and Behrain are more or less integrated with the free market.

As for South Asia, poverty and population can never permit the region to go for free market without reservations. In India, the public sector is still an important factor.

India is still one of the most regulated countries of the world. And the Indian political class and the bureaucracy are very cautious about free market.

As far Afghanistan and Iran, these are untouched by the current trends. Iraq, Syria and Yemen are closed economies. Even Israel is for protection of its economy. In Saudi Arabia, it is all family businesses of Saudi princes, which have their own laws.

Globalisation spread fast in S.E. Asia and it paid a heavy price for its reckless ways. As a result, liberalisation and globalisation have become suspect in the eyes of the developing world.

China’s is a giant economy, most of it in the public sector. Foreign investors are already disillusioned. Most of the foreign investment is by overseas Chinese, who know how to manipulate the regime to their advantage. Although China attracts huge foreign investment, the terms and conditions are by no means attractive.

In Africa, Egypt is getting out of its socialist system. But the Egyptian bureaucracy is a major impediment to free market. Only Morocco, Tunisia and South Africa are developed and in favour of free market. The rest of Africa is getting out of its backwardness and tribalism. And half of Africa is still going through violence and war.

So, what is the overall picture? Nothing to be enthusiastic about. While it is true that many countries have taken to free market capitalism, there are many more which are either cautious or not ready to venture into unchartered ways. In another decade, the gap between the rich and the poor will widen, as is now the trend, and I fear there will be even less enthusiasm for free market capitalism.

Oxford Dictionary soliciting new words

THE distinguished Oxford English Dictionary needs you.

The dictionary, widely regarded as the ultimate authority on the English language, has launched a worldwide appeal for words as it prepares to go online to mark the new millennium with the most comprehensive lexicon ever.

Overwhelmed by a flood of new words, phrases and technical terms coined in the past 50 years, the OED is asking anyone who speaks or reads English to submit new words and documentation for them to lexicographers working on the first complete revision in the work’s 120-year history.

“The Oxford English Dictionary (OED) has a reputation for being kind of stodgy, yet this is an incredibly democratic dictionary in which anyone can participate,” said Ms Michelle McKenna, spokeswoman for the dictionary’s US office.

“Anyone in the world can help us. As far as I know, this exercise is unique,” Ms McKenna said on Tuesday.

The appeal for words is no mere marketing gimmick. Published evidence must accompany the words or phrases submitted to the OED, so contributors will have to do research.

The appeal echoes one issued by the OED’s first editor, James Murray, who in 1879 asked for assistance in charting the language. Nearly 400 men and women obliged with more than 80,000 snippets of information.

Today’s editors are looking for new words, slang or regional phrases that have entered written English recently as well as “new old words” dating from earlier centuries.

Were there any “authority figures” before 1954? Or could you have “been there, done that” before 1983? The OED wants to know.

Have you met any “fashionistas” (critics of the latest fashion trends) or “sheddies” (people who pursue their hobbies in sheds) or gone to a party that was complete “pants” (rubbish)?

The revision of the OED is scheduled to be completed by 2010, but the latest edition — 20 volumes, published in 1996 — will be available online next March and is expected to be updated every six months with incoming contributions.

And because the dictionary will be online, it will have no limits.

“It can grow as big as the language. The idea is just mind-boggling when you think of getting the whole language down so that it is all there as a reflection of who we are,” Ms McKenna said.

Entries can be submitted at the OED’s web site (http://www.oed.com) or by mail or fax to OED offices in the USA, Britain, Australia, Canada, New Zealand and South Africa. — Reuter

75 YEARS AGO

Empire Exhibition

THE Empire Exhibition was thronged all day by 80,000 people who also attended the opening. The novelties of the Hong Kong shopping centre cast a spell over many of the visitors, while the native workers in the walled cities of West Africa were overwhelmed with the attention of the crowd.

The Taj-Mahal-like appearance of the Indian pavilion provided a magnet to the throng. Jungle exhibits, especially those of Patiala, were much admitted.

Endless exhibition of silks, embroideries, carvings in wood and ivory, and Indian art, found a number of devotees.

Great interest was manifested in the magnificent railway and port models, which were attractively explained by the officials.

Wonderful lacquer work and delightful specimens of silver, bronze and ivory, besides oil and mineral exhibits, received special attention.