A clutch of ordinances
OF the four ordinances which are to be promulgated again, one on the right of companies to buy back shares will immediately serve the government’s own interests by permitting it to raise Rs 2000 crore against the disinvestment of PSUs.

Restructuring the MoD
FINALLY, the viewpoint of the armed forces has been upheld. This is evident from Monday's announcement of Defence Minister George Fernandes that the Chiefs of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force will soon be allowed a greater say in his ministry's decision-making process.

A sacred cow called subsidy
SUBSIDY too is somewhat like the weather: everybody talks about it, nobody does anything about it. The most recent public tut-tutting regarding it has been done by none other than the redoubtable Mr Yashwant Sinha at a seminar on "Issues before the Eleventh Finance Commission" in Delhi on Tuesday.

FUNCTIONING OF GOVT
by Joginder Singh
A SCHEME was formulated in 1993 under which each member of Parliament was authorised to sanction upto Rs 1 crore every year for developmental schemes falling in his area. (The amount has since been raised to Rs 2 crore.) The underlying idea was that small projects of the area could be sanctioned and implemented.

Lessons from Admiral's case
by H.S. Sodhi
THERE must have been some consultations and, may be, an exchange of views between the government and the sacked Navy Chief, but these are not known and are being withheld on the plea of security — a very convenient cloak for any decision coming into question.

Have we given strategic thinking the go-by?
by Rakesh Datta
A SENIOR Vice-President of Rand Corporation of America, Mr George Tanhem, had commented that India had no strategic culture. This observation raises the issue whether India possesses any strategic thinking or not? However, taking a close look at India’s strategic history, it gives the impression that all through the ages this country had never taken this aspect seriously.

Prospects for Hindi dailies brighten
by G.S. Bhargava
AS we usher in the New Year, the prospects of Hindi journalism as it developed especially during 1998 present a bright picture. Newspapers in other languages, notably Bengali and Malayalam, have been known to be forerunners in the field, whether it be absorption of modern technology or colour printing of photographs, especially on the front and back pages or scaling new heights in circulation.

The universal man
by K. Vaidyanathan
THE “Post-it” note on the Godrej-GE refrigerator — our recent acquisition — explains my wife’s absence. She meticulously observes the practice of leaving “Post-it” notes eversince her return from the USA. At times it is amusing to be led on a treasure-hunt; oftentimes it is nagging by proxy and, therefore, irritating.

75 Years Ago

Nawanshahr-Doaba news
THE military force, which had been located in this Tehsil in connection with the Babbar Akali movement, has been replaced by the mounted police, which goes out daily for a patrol in the various villages of the Tehsil, under the supervision of a Magistrate (Ist class), stationed here.

A clutch of ordinances

OF the four ordinances which are to be promulgated again, one on the right of companies to buy back shares will immediately serve the government’s own interests by permitting it to raise Rs 2000 crore against the disinvestment of PSUs. The one on the Central Vigilance Commission is ordained by the Supreme Court and has come handy to the Centre to ease Mr M.K. Bezbaruah out of the Enforcement Directorate. The Prasar Bharati ordinance merely strengthens the suspicion that in the absence of a majority in the Rajya Sabha, the Ministry is repeatedly shortcircuiting the proper legislative process. And, finally, the one on patents is highly controversial, inspiring conspiracy theorists to come up with dark guesses. Taken together, the four make Tuesday a day of ordinances, two of them relating to economic policies, which provoked a brief attack from hardliners at the Bangalore meeting of the BJP’s decision-making body. Is it all there is to it? Maybe not.

Take the patents issue. A Bill to amend the nearly 30-year old Patents Act has already been passed by the Rajya Sabha and the Congress has promised support in the lower House. The budget session starts on February 19 and India has to arm itself with legislation by April 19. That is the commitment to the World Trade Organisation. Why rush in with an emergency measure when there is no emergency? It is therefore time for sensational speculation. There are said to be two multinationals waiting in the wings with an application for exclusive marketing rights for their drugs and the ordinance brings them centrestage. If the attendant procedures are completed with speed, they would be in the market raking in super profits. This may or may not be true, but it has at least the merit of vesting the decision with a plausible reason. Otherwise there was no point in the government going through this exercise.

The Prasar Bharati ordinance exposes its vulnerability. It does not have a majority in the Rajya Sabha to make the Bill adopted by the Lok Sabha into a law. Former Minister Sushma Swaraj blamed the delay by the Rashtrapati Bhavan for her inability to introduce the measure in the upper House. So an ordinance had to be issued to give the provisions the status of law. And she moved promptly and got rid of Mr S.S.Gill, whom she disliked. Then she forgot all about the other steps she had promised. A 22-member parliamentary committee is yet to be set up to supervise the working of AIR and DD. Also there is no movement in finding a successor to Mr Nikhil Chakravartty, the first chairman of the Prasar Bharati board, who died six months ago. This lack of action has provoked the opposition parties to accuse the government of manipulating the electronic media to promote its political interests. A third and revised version of the CVC ordinance will see the light of the day. The one on buyback of company shares has no critics in Parliament and has been commended by the Prime Minister several times as part of the government efforts to revive confidence in the stock market. Even such a measure could not be pushed through in the winter session. That says all about the government functioning.

Restructuring the MoD

FINALLY, the viewpoint of the armed forces has been upheld. This is evident from Monday's announcement of Defence Minister George Fernandes that the Chiefs of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force will soon be allowed a greater say in his ministry's decision-making process. He has already begun discussions on the subject with the Service Chiefs. A highly comforting development, indeed. The decision, if implemented earnestly, will end the grievance of the armed forces that their voice is not given due weightage in defence matters because of systemic problems. In fact, the step should have been taken much earlier, but, as the saying goes, it is better late than never. There has been much resentment among all wings of the military with regard to the role of bureaucrats. The case of dismissal of Navy Chief Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat has brought the matter in sharper focus. The role of the Defence Secretary (now transferred) came in for severe criticism, specially from retired senior personnel of the armed forces.

There has been a general feeling that bureaucrats are not at all in a position to properly appreciate the requirements of the defence forces. Hence the demand for increased integration of the forces with the ministry. The latest move of the ministry should lessen the bitterness between the two principal components of the country's defence apparatus. It may prevent the occurrence of such developments as have been mainly responsible for this state of affairs. Two such cases came to light last July. In one case the three Service Chiefs took strong exception to a note issued by the Defence Secretary that the armed forces should not conduct a "certain kind of operations". The matter led to a serious tussle between the MoD and the Service Chiefs, who pointed out that bureaucratic interference in operational matters was intolerable. They ultimately brought the whole thing to the notice of the Defence Minister, and the controversial note was suitably amended to assuage the hurt feelings of the Service Chiefs. Being equivalent to the Cabinet Secretary in rank, they told the minister that technically they were answerable only to the President, the Prime Minister and the Defence Minister, and the Defence Secretary should be aware of it. Such controversies also reflect casualness or carelessness on the part of the ministry's officials. They must be adequately trained to be extra careful in their functioning, keeping in view the highly sensitive nature of their job.

In the second development, the Defence Secretary asked the Army to give an explanation, again in a purely professional matter, after the publication of a write-up in a magazine listing certain "insinuations" against the forces concerning "Operation Leech" in the Andamans in February, 1998. In the first place, what was the need for such a communication when the Cabinet Secretary had been properly briefed about it? The successful operation was conducted jointly by the three Services and the Coast Guard to eliminate a gang of international gun-runners supplying weapons to Northeast-based secessionist outfits. There are any number of incidents which can be cited to prove that the Service Chiefs have not been happy with the functioning of the Defence Ministry. Now that Mr Fernandes says that by the end of the month the ministry will be restructured to smoothen the decision-making process by narrowing the gulf between the forces and the ministry, one hopes defence matters will be handled with the care they deserve.

A sacred cow called subsidy

SUBSIDY too is somewhat like the weather: everybody talks about it, nobody does anything about it. The most recent public tut-tutting regarding it has been done by none other than the redoubtable Mr Yashwant Sinha at a seminar on "Issues before the Eleventh Finance Commission" in Delhi on Tuesday. Before somebody could poke fun at his own track record, the Finance Minister himself narrated how he had to roll back the decision on cutting subsidies on fertilisers in the last Budget. That is the whole point. Talking about subsidy is the easiest thing and doing something about it is the most difficult task because the necessary political will is almost non-existent. Leave alone a national consensus on the issue that Mr Sinha has talked about. It will be a miracle if the ruling coalition, of which he a prominent member, itself reaches anything resembling a consensus. This is one subject in which every party shows the Lucknowi culture of "pehle aap". Each party — and every leader — knows that subsidy is the easy ticket for garnering votes, and uses it as liberally as possible. So what if it makes the exchequer go empty! This competitive politics has been going on for decades, with the resultant phenomenal growth of the monster. If one state offers free electricity, there is a clamour for a similar facility in most others, and soon enough yet another Chief Minister obliges his constituents. Similarly, there is almost a war among the states on providing incentives to industries for attracting investment. The latest figures available are for 1994-95 and these make a frightening reading, although the subsidies have only increased since then. All kinds of central and state subsidies account for 15 to 16 per cent of the GDP during a year. The import of the statistics sinks in better when it is pointed out that the total amount of subsidies came to a mind-boggling Rs 1,37,338 crore during 1994-95. It is estimated that 90 per cent of these went for non-merit services. If the Centre points the accusing finger at the states, suffice it to say that the central subsidies themselves accounted for Rs 43,048 crore.

The effect of this thoughtlessness has been visible in the shape of fiscal deficit and increasing prices. The avowed advantages have rarely been reaching the intended beneficiaries. For instance, it is estimated that nearly 50 per cent of the fertiliser subsidy actually goes to the producers and suppliers rather than to the farmers. At the same time, keeping the price of certain fertilisers artificially low has resulted in their injudicious use. The situation is even worse in other fields. There can be no two opinions on the point that the vicious circle has to be broken, not by eliminating subsidies totally but by reducing them drastically in non-merit sectors and rationalising them elsewhere. But who will bell the wild cat is the Rs 1,50,000-crore question.

FUNCTIONING OF GOVT
A case of too many cooks
by Joginder Singh

A SCHEME was formulated in 1993 under which each member of Parliament was authorised to sanction upto Rs 1 crore every year for developmental schemes falling in his area. (The amount has since been raised to Rs 2 crore.) The underlying idea was that small projects of the area could be sanctioned and implemented.

The scheme has a laudable objective. But something always goes wrong when it comes to implementation. It is not the MP generally who is the guilty party in implementing the scheme. In one case a member of Parliament sanctioned Rs 5 lakh for building a girls hostel for a college in his area. It took the MP and the principal a dozen trips to the office of the Collector to get the formal orders issued. Notwithstanding that the MP had sent his sanction in writing, unless the orders of the district Magistrate are obtained, nothing will ever be done by the officers concerned. The whole trouble arises because of our adherence to outmoded procedures. A simple thing is made so complicated that except for extraordinary mortals, everybody else will back out.

A colleague led a delegation to Japan about a few years ago. The objective was to woo private entrepreneurs to invest about $ 1000 million in the country for a big industrial project. There was a tie between India and another Asian country. The Japanese were well informed about our red-tape practices and the desire to woo foreign direct investment. They told my friend: “We are prepared to set up the project in your country. Will you guarantee that we will get land, power, communication connections and central and state government approvals within three months?” My friend, a seasoned bureaucrat, tried to skirt the issue and said, “We will try our best and I will make my minister speak to all concerned.”

The Japanese negotiator was equally skilled. He said, “No, sir. This would not do. If you can get me all the sanctions, even in six months, I am prepared to sign the memorandum of understanding right now. Otherwise, both of us are just wasting time. I am aware of the bureaucratic tangles in your country. We have once burnt our fingers on a small project and we are still struggling for the last two years. Even now we are where we were at the time of start.” My friend struggled hard to get the project to India without giving any commitment. He did not succeed.

Every economic survey for the last two decades has been using the same language, same cliches like “bold steps needed to boost the economy”, referring to the slackened industrial growth since 1996-97, the survey for this year says that this came about due to factors which are cyclical and because of some of the policies followed in the past. The survey points out that “while cyclical factors are expected to sort themselves out,” it urges “urgent need to implement the policy decisions necessary to ensure macro-economic stability and rapid and sustainable economic growth, in the light of the economic sanctions imposed by some countries in the wake of nuclear tests by India. It also talks of greater procedure simplifications, emphasising the need to rein in the “control mindset”, preventing the “Inspector Raj syndrome affecting the functioning of industry, agriculture, trade, infrastructure, finance and social services... .”

The world is moving very fast. What appeared to be magic earlier, is a reality now. No country or society is an island by itself. There is an avalanche of technical wonders on our lives. Whether it is changing to a more responsive system or using the latest gadgetary for efficient functioning, there is a mental resistance to anything sweeping the status quo or even breaking the familiar and tried ways of dealing with a situation. The ability to change and adapt to better procedures does not come easily.

The economic survey is a government document laid before the two Houses, which has pleaded for ending the Inspector’s Raj. Yet it is the same government which is responsible for creating it. Somehow there is a kind of an unholy belief that every law passed must have an inspector to check that it is being followed. Yet when the inspector goes around, it is rarely to check whether the law is being followed. He goes around only to see and encash the law for his personal benefit. About 95 per cent income tax, excise and customs collections come voluntarily. Yet we have over two lakh people engaged in these departments.

Some minor functionaries behave as if they are the unlimited government. While the government may have all the intentions of looking after the genuine grievances of the affected people, it is the people at the cutting edge level who matter. The citizen in the simmering heat and periods of prolonged power cuts and water shortages has access only to a low-level unresponsive clerk. Even that fellow is at the best a complaint writer whose instructions may or may not be obeyed by the lineman responsible for attending to the electricity complaints, or waterman in charge of water supply. The indifference to the plight of the common citizens and harassment through those who are supposed to serve the people must end.

It is indifference and letting the things be as they are that is responsible for the decline in the growth of the economy to 5 per cent in 1997-98 from 7.5 per cent in 1996-97. Similarly, the industrial production grew only at the rate of 4.2 per cent in 1997-98 as against 7.1 per cent 1996-97. Translated in terms of money, it easily runs into thousands of crores. There is a lot of unfinished work in the country. It is time the government functioned with a cohesive and dedicated objective. What is the use of having grandiose plans if most of the money is to go down the drain, that is, lining the pockets of those responsible for spending it. The nexus between the obliging bureaucrats and unscrupulous politicians, which are based on “I scratch your back and you scratch mine”, must be broken by those who can. The funds meant for the development must not be used for any other purpose.

It somebody does not follow the rules in the interest of his self-aggrandisement, it is time the government acted on its own. The procedure of going through the departmental proceedings or court trial for defrauding the government may take a lifetime. The government should use extraordinary powers under Article 311 of the Constitution to show the door to such elements. It is regrettable but true that even where misconduct has been proved, people have been let off with practically no punishment worth the name. This has not only emboldened the bad hats but also given an impression that nobody can be removed from the government job. Permanent security of job is as bad as insecurity. Job performance should be the only criteria for job retention.

More than anything else, the government should cut flab and have a second look at the job content of all posts. For example, the office of Chief Controller of Imports and Exports was abolished about five years ago. But the staff level has remained the same. Lack of work forces people to be obstructionists. Instead of helping in implementing the government’s policies, underworked staff become a devil’s workshop.

Nothing will happen if the size of the bureaucracy is cut by half. Perhaps the government will function more effectively. The government should instead of creating more jobs, create an environment for more opportunities in trade, commerce and agriculture. There should be a freeze on further job creation. But at the same time, redeployment of the existing staff to more productive areas should be encouraged. This is the only way in which our country can progress.

(The author is a former Director of the CBI.)

The controversy

Lessons from Admiral's case
by H.S. Sodhi

THERE must have been some consultations and, may be, an exchange of views between the government and the sacked Navy Chief, but these are not known and are being withheld on the plea of security — a very convenient cloak for any decision coming into question. The TV interview of the Defence Minister on January 1, has thrown some light on this issue and it seems clear that Admiral Bhagwat was not really suited for this appointment, being vindictive and biased. But this was nothing new concerning this officer.

In 1990-91 he had filed an affidavit and a writ against many other officers and political leaders. Instead of this reflecting adversely on him, he was promoted and he withdrew his writ. His predictions were quite clear then, and it was a mistake to promote him not only as a Vice-Admiral but eventually as Navy Chief. The then government — in fact, the bureaucracy — is totally to blame for the unprecedented sacking of a Service Chief.

The development throws up certain lessons to be learnt. The first lesson for the Services will be that what matters is pleasing the political masters, and the internal functioning of the Services has little importance. The unrest in the Air Force had no effect on the Air Chief, but the stand of the Navy Chief, based on the Naval Act, was considered as against civil supremacy and hence his dismissal. It is not known if he was offered the honourable way out of resigning. The caste-based and communal allegations made by Vice-Admiral Harinder Singh have not evoked the wrath of the government, whereas he should have been sacked immediately.

This lesson does not bode well for the future internal functioning of the Services. The one who should have been sacked was the Air Chief when unrest took place in his Service. This is where the major difference lies in the outlook, functioning and attitudes of the civil services and the armed forces. While an incompetent boss of a civil service can merely be transferred, this is not the case with the armed forces. Sackings here is for either cowardice or incompetence, and in neither case is there the option open of another posting; this has been violated in a few cases earlier with greater loss. Sacking a Service Chief is not so small development. It effects the whole Service, and even the other two Services. Of course, this gives strength to the concept of civil supremacy.

The next lesson that will have to be learnt is that in future such sackings will have a precedent and can be indulged in with greater freedom and less questioning. This is a legacy that the BJP-led government will have left.

Another lesson is that while there is little problem in sacking Chief, the bureaucrat is the holy cow who can only be transferred and given another appointment of equal status. The already inflated ego of bureaucrats, considered by most thinkers as the greatest stumbling block in the progress of the country, has made them even more untouchable. This may be is one of the biggest problems facing the government today.

The armed forces have an ethos of service which is being eroded fast. There are many cases of officers earlier being denied promotions/appointments, but there was never a case of approaching civil courts. This has now become a routine matter for officers and men, and is to be decried. When voluntary measures of the needed ethos are not being observed, there is a justified case for the use of rules to enforce it.

The time has now come to add to the curbs on certain normal rights being denied to the armed forces. The resort to civil courts should be banned, and those violating this order should be sacked. This will need certain related measures having to be adopted.

The Defence Ministry must be integrated soon with an equal number of Service officers as has been declared by the Defence Minister. There must be a more representative and powerful agency within the Defence Ministry to look into complaints against which there should be no further appeal in any forum. It is time the affairs of the armed forces are not thrown open to the dictates of all and sundry, including the judiciary. There has to be greater transparency in the annual confidential reports, and the entire report should be shown to the officer concerned. The same has to apply in the case of senior appointments. But within all this it must be accepted that, at least for senior level appointments, the respective Chief must have a very prominent say. And if he cannot get along with some officers, he should not be forced to accept such subordinates.

The government has to realise that the handling of the armed forces cannot be equated with the handling of the civil services. The attitudes, tasks, requirements of the job and ethos are totally different. The role of the armed forces in the long-term and continuing well-being of the country, externally and internally, is too important for casual treatment, especially as the "masters" know hardly anything about the factors that make the forces tick.

The suspicion about the motives of the forces should now be laid to rest, considering the past experience. Even when the Army could have had the chance — according to one account, even invited — to take over it was rebuffed. Good governance is as much the concern of the armed forces as of political leaders. Ruling politicians can make any blunder and then ask the forces to bail them out. The government — which means political leaders and bureaucrats — makes the mistakes and the forces pay for these by their lives!

(The author is a retired Brigadier.)

The universal man
by K. Vaidyanathan

THE “Post-it” note on the Godrej-GE refrigerator — our recent acquisition — explains my wife’s absence. She meticulously observes the practice of leaving “Post-it” notes eversince her return from the USA. At times it is amusing to be led on a treasure-hunt; oftentimes it is nagging by proxy and, therefore, irritating.

In the present instance, I exult at the thought of being — at least temporarily — “the monarch of what all I survey”. I decide to watch the UEFA cup football match (I had programmed this to be recorded in the wee-hours of the morning on our “National” VCR). I take out a “coke” from the fridge, open the kitchen cupboard, ignore the “Ruffles” chips and opt for the canned almonds. I go over to the bedroom, switch on the “Amtrex” airconditioner and Sony TV channel surfing reveals no worthwhile programme on the CNN and the BBC. I switch on the VCR and settle down comfortably.

My bliss is short-lived. The power supply gets disrupted and I bite into a bitter almond. On return from the wash-basin I study the label on the tin. It reads “from California, U.S.A.” and “Imported and Marketed by Godrej Foods Ltd.” I am confused. Don’t we grow almonds? I am not sure.

Nothing to do. I become pensive. I go over my daily routine. I wake up to the musical chimes of “MICRONTA” — a digital wristwatch “custom made in China for the U.S.A.” I switch on the coffee-maker — “wholly made from imported parts with special German filter” — at least that’s what the ad on TV claims. I pay obeisance to Pepsodent. For shaving I use Gillette — made in the USA and marketed in India”, “Platinum-tipped blade made from finest “Swedish steel”, “Old Spice” shaving cream and after-shave lotion. I owe my personal hygiene to Lever Brothers.

My newspaper is printed on imported newsprint.

“Kellogg” greets me at my breakfast table. My onions are imported. So are the pulses and the cooking medium. Staple food I eat is grown locally but on imported fertilisers. At tea-time I love my “Very English, Very Marie” biscuits.

We own a Maruti-Suzuki which runs on imported “gas”. We have an “Akai” CD player-cum-music system, a “Whirlpool” washing machine and a “Kenstar” microwave.

I think of my wardrobe. I cannot resist a laugh. During my last visit to Delhi, I decide to acquire a new pair of pajamas from Khadi Emporium, which, unfortunately, is closed for lunch. I cross the road over to Palika Bazar. An enterprising vendor is selling “Khaddar” made from finest “Egyptian” cotton. His small shop is overflowing with customers. I pick up a pair of pajamas. Only after the first wash I notice the label which says, “Fastness of colours not guaranteed, fabric not shrink-poor”. I now have an additional pair of long-johns.

I introspect.

By George! We do manufacture safety-pins. I rummage the dressing table and come up with a bunch of safety-pins. The paper tag reads “made from imported stainless steel and design patented in the USA”.

If we are so dependent on externalities for improving the quality of life, why should some politicians selectively grudge KFC, Mcdowells and non-indigenous Prime Ministers? I wonder.

Power supply gets resumed. I eagerly reach for the remotes, but the door-bell announces the return of my wife.

“What was the meeting about?” I enquire.

“Oh! the ladies adopted a resolution expressing our solidarity and sympathy with Mrs Hillary Clinton”. She explains. “What about the destitutes and despondents at home?” I want to ask but do not dare.

If only I could get Henry Miller to describe my attributes — his adjectives could well define the “Universal Man”.

Have we given strategic thinking the go-by?
by Rakesh Datta

A SENIOR Vice-President of Rand Corporation of America, Mr George Tanhem, had commented that India had no strategic culture.

This observation raises the issue whether India possesses any strategic thinking or not? However, taking a close look at India’s strategic history, it gives the impression that all through the ages this country had never taken this aspect seriously.

In fact, we as a nation have become accustomed to slackness, revulsions and ad hocism that no worthwhile sustainable and progressive policy could have been framed in the social, industrial, economic, health, education and diplomatic sectors, what to talk of the military against which there is inherent apathy. It has been truly said that as individuals we are successful but as a nation we are a complete failure.

India, despite its large size, vulnerability and having experienced repeated invasions from outside all through the centuries, could only produce a sole military thinker (and that too during the ancient times) who had written a monumental treatise on politics and warfare, Arthashastra.

Kautilya, known and revered as a great exponent of militarism, somehow lost to emerging India’s most virtuous and philosophical standards since some of his amoral practices were found more to clash than be in conformity. Consequently his theories such as “matsya nyaya” that is, swallowing the smaller ones or his concept of “mandala” that is, building safeguards when sharing common borders were adopted more with impunity by neighbours than by India.

When India attained Independence it was richly imbued with the British policy of defence which was highly successful in keeping the country secure from any outside threat. As far continental diplomacy went, it adopted a policy of alliances, integrity and neutralisation with bordering countries. To keep China at bay it maintained Tibet as a buffer state while for Russia, China was kept sterile.

However, free India, on the other hand, when it inherited the imperial legacy as far as its sovereignty was concerned, it was not matched with political or military acumen. It resulted in a war with China; three wars with Pakistan; a quasiwar like situation with Sri Lanka; hard peddling with the Himalayan kingdoms, turbulent “waters” in the peninsula and diplomatic bungling with the developed world.

There was a total lack of strategic perception in the formative years. We could save Srinagar, but lost Kashmir to Pakistan. Unfortunately, our policy on Kashmir lacks political will in contrast to Pakistan, which has already annexed a third of Kashmir and on hindsight is waging a political, economic, cultural, psychological and military war against India to capture the rest of Kashmir.

Unlike our RAW, Pakistan’s ISI is continuously engaged in creating all kinds of problems in India, while we have to only contend with blaming such ills to an unknown foreign hand.

India has one of the largest armed forces in the world, of which Army is the third largest, the Air Force the fourth largest and the Navy the ninth largest, but despite such superior ranking it is the country’s adversaries who always take the strategic initiative.

For instance, it was China who first took Tibet and then Aksai Chin besides putting to dispute the entire length of the eastern sector.

Pakistan has not only taken a third of Kashmir but even gifted part of it to China; Bangladesh is waging a demographic aggression; Nepal, Bhutan and Myanmar causing low political strains and the Tamil crisis — all consequences of major strategic lapses.

There has not been any serious thinking to mend our strategic thoughts for the last five decades, except treating this sensitive issue in a lackadaisical manner. India has to put up a strong political-cum-military projections backed by enhanced credibility if it want to settle her outstanding security disputes.

The country is already engaged in an unending war at a height of 18,000 ft. costing the exchequer nearly Rs 2 crore a day. We are equally failing in mustering substantial international support for Kashmir. While nothing is said openly by India as far as Pakistan-occupied area is concerned, we are content with the present border management vis-a-vis China with no open skirmishes. But the question is why can’t we be a little more aggressive in demanding the return of POK area from Pakistan rather than showing a sulking face in all international forums, including the United Nations, and giving Pakistan an advantage of negotiating only on the Indian side of Kashmir.

India must attend to its national security priorities before stepping into the 21st century. Let the country’s security be not viewed with laxity by playing it on the canvass of political parties, whether it is in explosion of a nuclear device or formation of the National Security Council.

We have failed to harvest any strategic advantage by exploding six nuclear tests including a thermo-nuclear bomb. Instead we are running in despair weaning the West about the military and non-military efficacy of such nuclear explosions. On the other hand, the much-awaited NSC formed by the central government recently appears to be designed more for gaining political mileage than for national security considerations. While it is heavily studded with civilian top brass from the ministries and the bureaucracy, the defence services have only a symbolic presence. Consequently, the national strategic issues would remain unanswered for want of serious thinking.

(The writer is Reader, Department of Defence & Strategic Studies, Punjabi University.)

Prospects for Hindi dailies brighten
by G.S. Bhargava

AS we usher in the New Year, the prospects of Hindi journalism as it developed especially during 1998 present a bright picture. Newspapers in other languages, notably Bengali and Malayalam, have been known to be forerunners in the field, whether it be absorption of modern technology or colour printing of photographs, especially on the front and back pages or scaling new heights in circulation. As I said some time ago, when metropolitan newspapers like The Hindustan Times and The Times of India flaunt their graduation into colour printing technology, they are only keeping pace with their language counterparts and English newspapers like The Deccan Herald.

Take Dainik Jagran, for instance, which has now a Delhi edition, in addition to those published from nine other centres in UP, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. Formerly, it used to be in the news only when Mulayam Singh Yadav as UP Chief Minister periodically subjected it to halla bolo and similar agitations. It would consist of wielding the muscle like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and its sister under the skin, the Shiv Sena vis-a-vis those not to their liking.

The charge against the newspaper was that it was communal. So its offices and staff were attacked, copies torched and distribution disrupted. Not only has Dainik Jagran survived the onslaught but has also become the largest selling newspaper in the state. It is still supportive of the BJP but only in its editorials. The news columns have no political or other bias, as it should be. It also publishes edit page articles critical of the BJP. Among its regular contributors is Kuldip Nayar who does not mince words in his rejection of sectarianism. Amar Ujala, the other victim of Mulayam’s ‘secular’ crusade, has lagged behind however, presumably because of its inability to get out of the groove of a district newspaper. Like the Eenadu in Telugu, it publishes district editions as supplements to the main newspaper.

There is a circulation war between Jagran and Punjab Kesri, which publishes a Hindi edition from Delhi and a Urdu version from its birthplace of Jalandhar. Its resistance to terrorism is legendary: first its founder, Lala Jagat Narain, was gunned down and then his son who succeeded him. Now the newspaper is run by the third generation of the feisty family. They had not only stood foursquare against terrorists but contributed handsomely for the rehabilitation of fellow-victims of the extremists. It is said the Delhi edition is mainly for women who are Hindi speakers unlike their menfolk in Punjab who still read and write Urdu. The Kesri is more like the tabloids in England, with its front page tending to be titillating with arresting pictures and gossipy news. As a result its support for the BJP does not put off ‘secular’ readers because, in the words of a former editor of Nav Bharat Times, it is not read for its serious contents. Rashtriya Sahara was one of two or three daily newspapers which supported the demolition of the Babri mosque in December 1992. Now it is not so fanatically sold on Hindutva reportedly for non-ideological reasons. Wears a lean look, though, due to drying up of ads. But the plus factor is more space for news.

Interestingly, the Hindi newspapers playing second fiddle to multi-language chains like The Times of India, The Hindustan Times and even the once prestigious Jansatta of the Indian Express parivar have lagged behind. The Nav Bharat Times is a pale copy of its once sturdy self. The reason is not mainly because it does not have an editor; The Times of India and The Economic Times are also in the same boat but are none the worse for it. Jagaran and Amar Ujala also are shown to be edited by their proprietors. Staidness of style with tendency to go in for Sanskritised Hindi when the spoken language uses English and other “foreign” words is said to be a reason. News from the states and districts, the mainstay of language publications, is neglected. Absence of an editor has no doubt led to a gaffe like running a column on shares and stocks by Harshad Mehta of the securities scam fame. The matter was taken to the Press Council before it was discontinued.

The Hindustan management, too, considers a full-fledged editor a dispensable luxury. Most importantly, the managements in all these cases have no stake in backing them up because the advertisement revenue is considered adequate. The Maharashtra Times, on the other hand, is going strong under a gifted editor. In the case of Jansatta Prabhash Joshi’s exit seems to have left it lame. Among other Hindi dailies, Dainik Bhaskar is the monarch of all its surveys in Madhya Pradesh like the Rajasthan Patrika in that state. The pity, however, is that Vishwamitra, perhaps the oldest Hindi daily, has folded up its Mumbai edition. It comes out only from Calcutta now.

Meanwhile, as if to usher in 1999 on a positive note, The Statesman carried a report from its Patna correspondent about the CP(ML) - Liberation conducting panchayat elections in 10 villages in Bagodar block of Giridih district. The CP(ML) legislator from the area, Mahendra Singh, is instrumental for it, which is no small achievement considering that the state has not held panchayat elections for 20 years. Poll preparations and other arrangements were made by the Jharkhand Mazdoor Kisan Samiti associated with the party. The two run a parallel government in the area where the writ of the state is formal. The gram opradhans elected on the basis of as much as 90 per cent voter turnout have made officials return the bribes taken from the villages under the old dispensation. The rules also provide for the voters’ right to recall gram pradhans defaulting in their duties.

Finally, an Amritsar report in The Tribune says that one of the five hijackers of an Indian Airlines plane to Pakistan in 1981 has been sent back to Pakistan by the USA. He was caught in New York about a year ago when trying to enter that country on a false passport. Two other hijackers are in Switzerland resisting deportation to India, while another has been sent back to India by Canada. The remaining ex-hijacker is in Pakistan. Pakistan had jailed all of them for 14 years. The source of the story, unbelievably, is the spokesman of the militant organisation, Dal Khalsa.

75 YEARS AGO

Nawanshahr-Doaba news

THE military force, which had been located in this Tehsil in connection with the Babbar Akali movement, has been replaced by the mounted police, which goes out daily for a patrol in the various villages of the Tehsil, under the supervision of a Magistrate (Ist class), stationed here.

So far the members of the gang, with the exception of two, have escaped the astute eyes of the C.I. Department and have defied successfully the best efforts to the military force. Many a time, the favourite resorts and the rendezvous of this gang have been surprised in the night by the military force but none of these raids has ever proved fruitful so far.