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THE king cobra of corruption has completely encircled the administration in India. Society is feeling suffocated in the stranglehold of greedy and corrupt rulers. Whosoever comes to power praises his administration, and proclaims his commitment to the cause of eradication of corruption. Unfortunately, the results have always been disappointing.

We need not name any particular political party or person. Many a Rao, Sukh Ram, Laloo Prasad and their likes have appeared in the courts of law as accused with allegations of corruption involving crores of rupees. The investigating agencies, supposed to expose their misdeeds, have not proved efficient to establish strong cases against them. The agencies have their own limitations.

The prosecuting agencies have also not risen to the occasion, and the judiciary has been dilly-dallying on one count or the other. Resultantly, the expected justice is delayed. And justice delayed is generally justice denied. Although devoid of political and administrative powers, the corrupt rule the roost by dint of their riches acquired through corrupt means. Can we hope to see any improvement under the circumstances?

Remembering a ruler

It is the day to remember Raja Sir Harindar Singh, former ruler of the erstwhile Faridkot state. Today is his birth anniversary. This state, after Independence, along with Patiala, Nabha, Jind, Malerkotla and Kapurthala, was merged into a union popularly known as PEPSU (Patiala and East Punjab States’ Union), in the process of integration of the princely states within the Indian Union.

There is an anecdote that a person who was destined to go to heaven for his good deeds, just by sheer accident, was despatched to hell. However, by dint of his intelligence and hard work he converted his surroundings better than those of heaven. This appears to be the story of the late Raja (as a ruler).

The erstwhile Faridkot state was 633 square miles in area comprising Uttar (eastern part) and Hithhar (western part). The latter part was mostly barren and full of sand dunes. There used to be no means of communication as late as 1960. In spite of all such hazards, the Raja spread a network of schools as a result of which upto 1947 every village had a primary school, many lower middle and middle schools, and there was one high school in Jand Sahib village and three high schools in Faridkot, Kotkapura and Goniana.

There were four colleges in Faridkot, a degree college, a commerce college, a training college and an agriculture college. It is important to mention here that right from Peshawar to Delhi there were only two commerce colleges and two training colleges, one each at Lahore and Faridkot. No other princely state in India could boast of such a wide net of education within just an area of 633 square miles.

Public grievances were quickly removed, and justice dispensed with in no time. The Raja would give personal hearings to individuals everyday, and everyone was free to approach him without any fear.

The administration during the reign of the late Raja was clean but feudal in character. No doubt, off and on there was a touch of feudalism. Certain sections of his clan found favour with him. Total bandobast, if not perfect, was very close to it.

There was a political stir in the erstwhile Faridkot state. People were moved by the freedom struggle launched by the Indian National Congress. However, in the princely states in Punjab a similar movement was also started by the Praja Mandal which was not to the liking of any of the princely rulers. In the area of Faridkot and around there are stories of atrocities committed on the people who were agitating against the policies of the feudal system. It is said that the late Giani Zail Singh, on March 1, 1948, the day he had declared a parallel government of Faridkot, was dragged on the roads of the state after having been tied behind a jeep. However, in this connection the following excerpt from his memoirs is worth noting:

“I felt totally helpless and was reconciled to my fate, but as the engine was ignited the vehicle ran (moved) for a few feet (not even yards). I heard the voice of Senior Superintendent of Police commanding the driver to stop.”

There was great emotional resentment generated by the political movement against feudalism throughout the country. All the rajas were affected by it and Raja of Faridkot was no exception. Even Jawaharlal Nehru was also the victim and votary of such sentiments against the ruling princes of that time. He had his own experiences with the late Maharaja Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir.

However the day Jawaharlal Nehru visited Faridkot in support of the Praja Mandal Movement in May 1946, he changed his opinion about the Raja of Faridkot after coming to know about the welfare schemes prevalent in various fields. He blamed the agitators for their bad behaviours.

At the time of Partition when there was madness all around, the Raja kept his cool and the entire Muslim population was safely escorted across the border. Not a single Muslim was killed in the Faridkot state.

History is a behavioural biography, and the clash of ego of men and women. It unfolds itself from time to time to tell the truth. Truth must always prevail. History is not a blind goddess nor does it tolerate blindness in others.

HARJINDAR SINGH TANGRI
Faridkot

Apropos of Mr Hari Jaisingh’s article “Vandalism is anti-India” (Jan 22), I want to say that when a handful of goons, functioning through intimidation and force, impose their views on the entire nation, and the government looks on as a helpless spectator, the law-enforcement set-up is bound to get demoralised. Mr Bal Thackeray’s contempt for the rule of law may vitiate the entire atmosphere in the subcontinent. Peace, development and stability of mature friendly relations are bound to suffer a setback.

Fundamentalism, with its distressing and disgusting outcome, is a negative approach to civilisation. It must be tackled as a national issue, and not just condemned as the ruling party’s lack of initiative.

In this particular case, the Congress can’t absolve itself of responsibility, as wayback in 1967 it were Maharashtra Congress leaders — V.P. Naik, S.K. Patil, etc — who had created a force of hoodlums to fight the communist-dominated trade unions. Even during the regime of Indira Gandhi the Congress took Sena support many times.

While no sane person would appreciate the Shiv Sena’s challenge to the peace in the subcontinent, the political and military leadership in Pakistan also needs to do soul-searching. Apparently, the Shiv Sena’s outburst is a reaction to Pakistan’s support to subversive and terrorist activity across the border. They must realise that a deep-rooted negativism cannot help to create a congenial environment for friendship and cooperation.

NEFARIOUS GAME: The writer has analysed most realistically the whole gamut of Indo-Pak relationship. The Shiv Sena’s nefarious game of competing with Pakistan in fundamentalism strikes at the very root of our great liberal and tolerant philosophy of “live and let live”.

Instead of extending support to Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee on his taking a tough stand against the Shiv Sena’s vandalism, the Congress chose to fish in troubled waters. Mr L.K. Advani did nothing wrong by first trying the method of persuasion, failing which there might have been disastrous consequences, with the government taking tough and ruthless measures and the agitators resorting to self-immolations.

The country heaved a sigh of relief on the success of Mr Advani’s air-dash to Mumbai. The criticism of his efforts was born out of frustration.

THACKERAY’S ACTIONS: It would be unrealistic to expect everybody to behave like Mahatma Gandhi, and not react to what Pakistan has been doing for the past so many years, by sending trained terrorists to India. It would be unfair to call Mr Thackeray’s actions as anti-India. In fact, he is deeply committed to India, more than anybody else. Our culture and tradition do not teach us to prostrate before Pakistan while that country is indulging in grave hostilities against us.

Lord Krishna also tried for peace between Kauravas and Pandavas and requested Duryodhana for five villages for Pandavas. Since Duryodhana refused to accept this same advice, Lord Krishna also refused to accept the hospitality offered by him, and instead preferred to stay in the humble hut of Vidur and eat wild “sag” or vegetables. Unless we have Bal Thackerays to react, Pakistan is not going to listen to us.

What is true renunciation? What people generally understand by renunciation is renouncing the world and going to some secluded place in forest or a mountain, and meditating there in solitude to seek liberation. This is a mistaken idea. Renunciation is not something that we may do in relation to the external body. It is, in fact, to loosen the binding link to worldly objects in relation to mind.

If we do not have material desires, which are most essential for existence according to our social status, we are non-attached wherever we are and whatever we may be. Viewed in this light, we notice that even some kings had been true renunciants. The prominent among them being King Janaka.

Swami Vivekananda had said that the man who gives up living in the house, wearing fine clothes and eating good food and goes to a desert island, may be a most attached person. His only possession, his own body, may become the very thing for him. As he lives, he will be struggling for the sake of his body.

It is only the mundane desires that are to be given up. In no case, the desire to live a healthy and truly happy life is to be shunned. And to do one’s act of duty according to the dictates of one’s conscience is the highest form of worship. And above all is selfless service rendered to society, nation and mankind. The hands that serve are holier than the lips that pray.

Thus, one should make it a principle of one’s life to seek liberation in one’s circumstances and not from one’s circumstances. Running away from the world while the mind is attached to it leads a man to nowhere, while remaining in the world and be not of it can lead to liberation.

	M A I L B A G	Friday, January 29, 1999
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