|E D I T O R I A L
P A G E
Friday, September 3, 1999
IS AFRAID OF CLEAN MEN?
Pakistan a failed state?
Signals from UP
UTTAR Pradesh is the big, big king-maker in the countrys electoral politics. And it has been increasingly friendly to the BJP this decade as it was with the Congress in the eighties. The state gave the saffron party 51 seats in 1991, 52 five years later and 60 (including three supported by it) last year. Almost every third BJP member of the dissolved Lok Sabha was from there. At the other end of the scale, UP disowned the Congress last year denying the party even a single seat, as it did in 1977. It is the home of the ultra militant dalit party, the BSP, which in the true UP tradition, wants to emerge as the king-maker at the national level. Making it a three-cornered contest for a good chunk of votes is the Samajwadi Party, seemingly fighting every one in a desperate bid to retain its and its leaders identity. This makes for a fascinating political mosaic, more like a kaleidoscope which throws up a new pattern with every turn. This time too the picture is set to change and the point of interest is to understand its depth and identify the beneficiary or the loser. Opinion polls are unanimous and political parties concede that the Congress will have a revival and get back to its old winning ways. At the very least it may succeed in five constituencies and at best in 15. Even the higher figure may make the partys showing very poor but from zero to 15 in one year is a jump, a sure sign of rejuvenation. The party could have done much better if it had clinched a seat sharing arrangement with the BSP, but the iron lady, Ms Mayawati, said a thundering no, even though the more pragmatic Mr Kanshi Ram was in favour of a strategic alliance. With clear evidence that the dalits and Muslims, who deserted the Congress after 1992, are returning to their old friend, a tie-up between these two parties would have posed a tough challenge to both the BJP and the SP. Some Congressmen still hope that there may yet be a degree of understanding.
There is also a similar
calculation that the BJP may lose some seats
anything between five and 15. Also, that there is a
secret pact between the BJP and SP to stall the revival
of the Congress, seeing in this a distinct long-term
danger. There are two reasons why the saffron party may
not do so well. One is the incumbency factor, and the
Kalyan Singh government is easily the most distrusted one
in recent memory. The second is the open infighting and
threat of sabotage in several constituencies. Things have
come to such a pass that a sadhu denied the party ticket
is actively campaigning against the party in his region
of influence. The Kannauj district unit of the BJP has
accused the state leadership of selling the
seat to the SP for Rs 1 crore by allotting it to the Lok
Tantric Congress. The point is not about the veracity or
otherwise of this charge but that it has been made at
all. Unfortunately for the central leaders of the party,
Kargil is not having the same effect in UP as in others
and the stature of the Prime Minister has suffered
because of the misdeeds of the state government. The SP
has suffered heavily from desertion in the last two
weeks. The latest to leave is a Muslim MLA from Allahabad
city and his charge is the familiar one of the party
being hand in glove with the BJP. Another leader from the
same community and the party nominee from Amethi walked
out of the party and the contest levelling the same
accusation. The SP polled 28.69 per cent votes in last
election (as against 20.6 per cent by the BSP) but it is
doubtful if it can secure half of it this year. It seems
the coming elections will shake up the political equation
Saving the Taj
BY issuing a direction that 53 specified foundries in the Taj trapezium zone should be closed down if they have not turned into gas-based units, as per its earlier order pronounced on December 30, 1996, the Supreme Court has once again brought into sharp focus the urgency for saving this one of the wonders of the world from the alarmingly growing environmental threat to it. The specified foundries belong to the group of 168 industrial units of a particular kind in Taj Trapezium Zone-1 which had been identified in 1996. They had been asked to discontinue the use of coal and enter into an agreement with the Gas Authority of India for the supply of gas. These factories may have their own reasons for refusing to switch over to natural gas, but the court cannot ignore the larger interest of the nation---preventing a great piece of heritage from getting destroyed by unbridled industrial activity. It is because of the court's intervention that the Mathura refinery now spews less pollutants, once considered as the biggest threat to the existence of Emperor Shahjehan's marvel of marble. The process of blackening of this unique piece of architecture, an immortalised symbol of love, has been slowed down, but the threat to the monument persists and may assume serious proportions if corrective measures are not taken in time. Agra, where the 17th century structure exists, has over the years turned into a dingy place. Life in this city is becoming unbearable owing to various kinds of problems, pollution being the most serious one. Nobody would like to stay for more than a few minutes near the Yamuna in the area of the Taj because of the dirt and squalor all around. This gives a very nauseating feeling to the visitors to the monument---a large number of whom are from abroad. Thus, not only the Taj area but also the rest of the city deserves to be spruced up.
One fails to understand
why the upkeep of this monument is still not of world
standards. The Taj can itself generate enough funds for
its proper maintenance. But this requires a perceptive
management, which is not possible so long as we do not
have rulers who feel genuinely concerned about national
heritage. Recently the Union Urban Affairs Minister, Mr
Ram Jethmalani, said at an international symposium that
this structure had nothing to do with architecture, which
nobody would have taken seriously. As he sees it,
"the Taj merely satisfied the ego of an emperor, who
wanted to perpetuate the name of his wife, and he did
this by ruthlessly exploiting his helpless subjects,
thousands of whom might have died." That is all
right. But there must be some reason why thousands of
tourists flock to it day in and day out. Unfortunately,
we still lack a sense of history, even after more than 50
years of Independence. Anyway, we have in our midst
crusaders like Delhi-based environmentalist lawyer M. C.
Mehta whose untiring efforts have led to the involvement
of the apex court in the struggle to save the Taj. There
is also good news that UNESCO is in the process of
designing a programme for an assessment and early warning
system for air pollution-related damage to monuments of
historical and architectural significance in Asia, and
the Taj is on top of its list.
WHO IS AFRAID OF CLEAN MEN?
AS the campaigning for the first phase of polling comes to a close, two major issues engage the attention of sensitive Indians concerned about the standard of democracy. These are clean campaign and clean candidates.
A foul atmosphere has been created during the past one week or so following certain wild charges and counter-charges hurled by politicians of different hues.
Indian politics and public ethics cannot be segregated for long; nor can we ignore the Gandhian insistence on the purity of means to achieve the desired objective.
Election time should actually provide an opportunity to raise and debate issues of public importance. If anything, there should be a keen competition among political leaders to highlight the people's problems and commit themselves to tackle them promptly and efficiently.
One redeeming feature of the gutter- level campaigning this time is the Election Commission's advice to all political parties and candidates to desist from unverified allegations and comments on the private lives of other candidates. Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has also been gracious enough to ask everyone to ensure dignified campaigning.
If leaders occupying key positions stoop low and talk loose, we have reasons to be concerned about the future of electoral politics. Indeed, a society that puts a seal of respectability on tainted money and the politicians' dirty tricks must be really sick.
Democracy does not give anyone a licence to say whatever he or she wishes to say at public meetings. There has to be a degree of decorum and decency in public pronouncements. The Election Commission in this regard has been somewhat lenient. An atmosphere of discipline needs to be created and enforced without fear or favour.
We can raise the standard of public debate only if we gracefully admit mistakes and call a spade a spade. Foul comments cannot be defended in a partisan manner. The voters expect educated persons to set standards in public behaviour and support persons with a clean image.
As it is, there is no premium on honesty. That explains why a man like Dr Manmohan Singh has to fight for the applause and approval of his compatriots for a seat in the Lok Sabha. Perhaps, it is better. Let the people decide democratically. They are on test.
Dr Manmohan Singh has the reputation of being a king among clean men of India. A nation of honest citizens will nominate him any day to the highest job. But in a country of Indian complexities, such propositions do not work so easily. Dr Manmohan Singh apart, several other candidates with a clean image and commitment to values are handicapped on one count or the other. This includes Mr Jagmohan as well.
Election is the art of the possible. It does not ensure success for an honest person with a good record of public service. Where does the former Union Finance Minister fit in the existing high-cost manipulative politics? The challenge here lies in creating the right atmosphere and proper system for good candidates.
It is a fact that criminals and persons supported by criminals are slowly spreading their tentacles in the legislative bodies. In fact, a criminalised polity poses a major challenge to the value system of this ancient land. How do we put a stop to this drift? A simple answer will be for the electorate to own up persons with a clean image and a credible record in public life. We have a number of such candidates belonging to different parties. They need public support beyond narrow party lines.
"Vote for honesty, vote for economic progress," says an advertisement issued on behalf of Dr Manmohan Singh. Nothing more apt can be said about him. Dr Singh is not only "Mr Clean" but also "Mr Reform". He has been associated with the economic reforms in the country.
It is true that there has of late been some disillusionment with the way the globalisation issue is being handled. This is, of course, a matter of reflection and correction. The process of economic reforms needs constant review. Even some of the views of Dr Manmohan Singh are sure to change with the changing time and needs.
It is widely acknowledged that Dr Singh is the architect of the present economic structure. And the country should be thankful to him that it has not led us to a major crisis situation as in many other parts of the world. In fact, it has gone on smoothly. If the BJP has made no drastic changes in the course set by Dr Singh, it has been because of the basic soundness of that policy. In this context, present Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha too deserves a pat.
All previous elections tell us that people have been disappointed time and again. There is a growing mood of frustration "running parallel", so to say, to repeated expressions of hope.
The frustration results from "a basic dilemma" inherent in our system of governance. If the rulers choose not to honour their promises there is very little that people can do to make the system respond to their needs and aspirations. There is indeed a near total absence of accountability, no matter what rhetoric is used by those in power. This gives our political leaders certain advantages. It has, in turn, bred some kind of dependence in the minds of people.
Ironically, in every election the voters look for powerful leaders who can set the wrongs right. They also constantly hope that the men at the top will be decent and responsible. And, generally, it happens that people are frustrated again and again. Still, the search for a miracle leader continues. Who will be that "miracle man" this time? It looks like Mr Vajpayee, notwithstanding certain handicaps he is suffering from.
India is surely a fascinating land of sadhus, swamis, sants and faqirs. Some of them happen to be "miracle persons" as well. It may also be conceded that this country often runs, courtesy God and genuine godmen. But the basic problems facing the people are man-made and these can be tackled by exercising the right choice in favour of the right persons.
More than anything else, the country needs a new agenda and an official machinery truly responsive to the people and actively assisting them in finding solutions.
We should be in for a major reassessment of where we stand and how to proceed. As it is, we still have a long way to go before we can promote the concept that the Opposition is the government in-waiting. So, it is absolutely imperative that every political outfit should maintain decorum and decency. The absence of such a realisation is the root cause of street-level politics. If solutions to problems are to be found in the streets, then our democratic institutions, in due course, will automatically get coarsened.
More than the system as such, what really matters is the political response to the challenges of democracy. Maintenance of decency and decorum, a faith in purposeful and enlightened exchange of opinions and views and a democratic temper are the sine qua non of parliamentary democracy. Much of this is achieved by established conventions and practices in public life.
Perhaps, the time has come to have a close look at the political behaviour patterns during election time so that the necessary correctives are applied to improve the standard of public life.
The Election Commission can play a useful role in raising the standards of politics. It needs to be more ruthless and specific in enforcing do's and don'ts. Perhaps, an in-built mechanism for quick monitoring and punishing the habitual foul-mouthed and wayward politicians can help improve publicmen's conduct.
Looking beyond, a mass
upsurge in favour of the Manmohan Singhs of Indian
politics, whether they belong to the Congress, the BJP or
any other party, can improve the quality of public life
in the country. Is this a tall order? We have to make a
beginning somewhere to free the 21st century India from
the clutches of criminals and shady characters.
Insensitive about intelligence
INTELLIGENCE is a dirty word. It is also the least understood one, and now it has become the favourite whipping-boy.
In 1979, the functioning of the Armys Military Intelligence (MI) organisation was reviewed and a three-tier set-up came into being. These units took care of three separate spheres of human intelligence: operational intelligence based on the acquisition of transborder information; security-prophylactic means by field security (FS) personnel, to deny access to enemy agents to vital offices and installations; and counter-intelligence constitutes active measures to detect and neutralise enemy attempts at espionage, subversion and sabotage. Subsequently, dedicated intelligence units for counter-insurgency got added.
Transborder inputs gathered by MI units are corroborated with information from other sources, including communication intelligence, electronic intelligence and photographic or satellite imagery. Inputs from RAW, the IB and the BSF also contribute to the building of the larger picture.
Most people constituting the senior brass and the general staff in the Army are unaware of the existence of these different types of units and their roles. The general belief is that all intelligence personnel are on FS duties. FS personnel have traditionally been used on policing duties check the illegal sale of rum or canteen goods, check or report frauds in the Military Engineering Service and such like jobs. The FS staff has also been employed for odd-jobs.
Since the FS sections came directly under field or static formations these odd jobs were forced onto them by the commanders, with security becoming a secondary issue under the plan for the reduction of Army strength by 50,000 troops announced by the Chief of Army Staff, the FS sections are now being disbanded. Thanks the Lord! Their role was mainly advisory in nature, through routine checks.
The other two types of units for transborder intelligence and counter-intelligence are located within the jurisdiction of field formations. While their operational control is with Army/Command headquarters, local formation commanders and their staff within whose jurisdiction these are located are authorised to request them to obtain specific information.
So deep-rooted is the ignorance about these units that formation commanders tend to view them too as FS people. The assertion in a recent article by Lt-Gen Harwant Singh, a former Deputy Chief of Army Staff (There are no resources with the Army for transborder intelligence gathering. Such tasks are not within its charter), comes as no surprise. Deployed on a geographical basis, at least two units for transborder acquisition of intelligence were located in his corps. The role and charter of these units is specified as:To recruit, train and operate low-level sources and couriers for low-level intelligence operations.
Lt-Gen Krishan Pal, GOC of 15 Corps in Srinagar, rightly remarked that any talk of intelligence failure must be related to the existing capabilities. True, but if senior formation commanders and principal staff officers at Army Headquarters have remained unaware of what exists on ground, can it be expected of them to recommend and press for changes in organisation for enhanced capabilities?
In the USA, intelligence is always the starting point of any operation. In India, its failure has been the culminating point of discussion. In India, intelligence is not only ignored but there is also ignorance about intelligence. Given this grasp of intelligence, can one expect any senior Army officer to thump the table and press for greater intelligence acquisition capabilities for using high-grade transborder sources or mounting sophisticated third-country operations, for instance?
Disdain for intelligence within the top brass allows RAW to operate in a vacuum, where neither essential elements of information nor urgency are indicated as operational objectives. This indifference towards intelligence is also acquired by the Joint Intelligence Committee whose classified output mostly resembles a university professors research paper. Within the military it is rare to see a commander who can put on the enemys hat and think, resulting in skewed or biased assessments even on available inputs.
The top mans attitude also has a way of filtering down to afflict the entire intelligence cycle from making out the initial plan to the acquisition of information and its processing before dissemination. If the commander himself has a closed mind there is a very real danger of the intelligence staff falling into the abyss of sycophancy. Rather, by a display of professionalism commanders must reinforce the vital element of integrity among those charged with piecing together intelligence inputs for interpretation and synthesis. Thus, in the face of inconvenient conclusions that analysts may reach, they will be empowered with the courage of conviction of presenting these assessments that may run contrary to the establishments thinking.
Finally, a myth needs to be exploded about assessments. It is all about common sense, and rank doesnt count. I was summoned urgently by a General one night because information was flowing from the front (through another General) that Pakistani SSG (Special Service Group) men were about to attack. It was being debated whether the Army Commander should be woken up. I made a few comments and the Generals face lit up. He offered me a drink, which I declined. And the night passed off peacefully.
FIFTY minutes for just five kilometres? Really? How can it be? In todays world? In these days of the state of art technology? Of high speed cars? Were you walking? On your hind legs or your forearms?
Driving in an almost new automobile. The Indian Ambassador. The one with the Isuzu engine. Known for its speed and silent running. And yet, it had taken me so long. One hundred metres per minute. I could have probably qualified for a medal in slow driving.
But why? How did it happen?
Let me tell you. I had to go out for an urgent work. To Jind. I was told that the distance from Chandigarh is about 180 km. It should not take more than two and a half-hours. Especially in the morning. I had believed this and decided to leave at six. Sharp. And I did. Hoping to reach by 8.30. In time for my breakfast. And also to give some surprise and some shock to my intended host. But, thanks to the great Public Works Department which looks after the Buildings and Roads, I could only reach at 9.45. The bouncy road, the big potholes, the material heaped on both sides for repairs, the variety of vehicles, including the bullock carts with women in pardah holding the reins all combined to make it a strange experience. And then, a small strip of about 5 kilometres from the outskirts of Kaithal was the best. Even by a generous measure, nobody could have accused the department of having laid anything like a road under the stones that had been so generously spread all over.
Today, thanks to a free and open economy, we have good cars. These are fuel-efficient. Can run fast. But where? On what? The cities have narrow streets. Small lanes. Hardly any roads. Disorganised traffic. One can actually move faster on foot than in a vehicle. The highways, state or national, are death traps. Open graveyards. These are poorly planned, badly laid and not at all maintained. The cattle and the carts can suddenly materialise in front of you. The road may be damaged. There is no warning. Driving is not a pleasure. But a nightmare. It is a source of tension. One sweats. Even while driving a good and air-conditioned vehicle.
Why is it so? Is the Indian land bad? Or is the coaltar the culprit? Or the workmanship? Or have we not got the right specifications? The precise ratio in which the various materials should be used so as to ensure durability?
We have an elaborate system of checks and rechecks. A hierarchy of officials and officers. We have system of preparation of estimates, inviting tenders and allocation of contracts. We have innumerable measurement books and registers. On paper, the system appears to be foolproof. In practice, it is only meant to fool. Everyone. The cracks appear before the project is even commissioned. The repairs begin before the work is completed.
And all this, despite the vigilance cells in every organisation. But, who is vigilant? Who keeps vigilance on the vigilance cells? Our cost of governance is high. Yet, the quality of service is poor. Undoubtedly, civil service is a promising career. You can live by merely promising. It leaves a lot to desire.
Brooding over the irrelevant, sweating and fuming, I reached Jind. I was hungry. Even angry. But, an occasional rest to the tummy is said to be good. For the body and the mind. Believing that, I had got down to the job. And before the end of the day, I was amply rewarded. I was treated to a lavish dinner by a colleague. Then, a sumptuous breakfast of chana-puri-pranthas and kheer by a friend. Both honest and hardworking couples. Good home cooked food. Served with love and affection. A rare delight in todays world.
In the midst of
quantity, my hosts are honourable examples of quality.
Such people may be rare. But, they are the ones who keep
the system going. They lend the much needed element of
quality to the quantity. They may be few in numbers. Yet,
they stand out as a stark reality even in a crowd.
Is Pakistan a failed state?
IT is. The signs are far too many. We can no more ignore them. Jinnah was not sure whether Partition was right. He had once said: May be it is not: that remains to be seen. He did not live long enough to see the transmogrification of his dream. But we have seen it. And it is a sight that frightens. Even Jinnah had premonitions of it.
The inability to integrate the Mohajirs into the mainstream even after 50 years of independence must be more than embarrassing. It is indicative of the demise of the very concept of Pakistan, says Zafar Jung, a well-known commentator on Indian Muslims.
There are more such inabilities. For example, Pakistans failure to complete the constitutional process and to establish democracy.
Partition has been kept out of sight in this country as a sinful secret. We refuse to discuss the subject. Hence the confusion in our policy towards Pakistan. It is a dangerous amnesia, says Prof Ashis Nandy. And yet the Jews never miss an opportunity to present the Holocaust in all its terrifying details. It has done a world of good to the Western man. It has purged his anti-Semitic passions. Aristotle says: Tragedy purges the soul of its passions: it is cathartic. Our children both Hindus and Muslim should know.
Akbar Ahmed, the Cambridge don, asks: Was Jinnah all that bad? Was Pakistan such a mad idea? Or was there some sense in it? The doubts are profound.
Jinnah was not such a bad man. His intentions were good. But he like Moses, led his flock to the desert of Sinai and there left them to fend for themselves. As a result, most of the Jews perished.
Pakistan was not a mad idea. It could have been a great idea. Interacting with Hinduism and Buddhism, Islam had its renaissance, says Akbar Ahmed. Pakistan could have created a nobler Islam, free from Semitic abnormalities. But what has transpired is a macabre travesty.
After half a century, the people of Pakistan do not know who they are, where they belong, what they believe in and where they want to go. Nothing can be more tragic. It is a Greek tragedy in its poignancy. But we thought that they had all the answers. Were they not certain that they were a different nation?
The founders of Pakistan chose a unitary state. But it was a fit case for federalism. Pakistan consisted of six nations the Bengalis, Punjabis, Sindhis, Pushtoons, Baluchis and Seraikis. And the two wings of Pakistan were divided by 1000 miles of Indian territory.
Why, then, did they choose a unitary state? Because they really feared disintegration. Pakistan was not based on sound principles. The Bengalis were more numerous. They should have had a larger share of power. But the Punjabis wanted dominance in Pakistan. A chain of false steps?
The Pak ruling class was really scared of federalism. It saw it as the thin end of the wedge of separatism. The 1956 constitution, therefore, provided little provincial autonomy.
A common religion, language, historical memories and ethnicity are said to unite a people. But only religion, nothing else, was common to Pakistanis. But they could have knit themselves together in a loose federalism. But that was not to be.
Centralisation of authority, uneven development, marginalisation of minority groups, increasing disparities in income and emergence of regional parties all these further weakened the bonding of Pakistanis.
Thus separatism was built into Pakistan from day one. In East Pakistan, it started with the demand for the recognition of Bengali. As the political leadership became weak, power passed into the hands of the bureaucrats who were against decentralisation of power. Soon, power passed into the hands of the military rulers, mostly Punjabis. Since then, civil power had been exercised at the behest of the military.
So the real challenge to the unitary structure had to come from those with a clear identity. Like the Sindhis and Bengalis. The ruling clique tried to disown these claims by trotting out the Islamic identity of Pakistan. But the Pakistanis had never identified themselves with that larger identity.
The 1956 constitution was abrogated after Ayub Khan came to power. The new constitution was designed to give institutional support to the unitary framework. It was supposed to block the political aspirations of the regional elites. With nominated members, there was little scope for active political participation of the masses. This led to ethnic assertions and ethnic movements. As a result, East Pakistan. And more are likely to do so.
Nawaz Sharifs plan to Islamise Pakistan by imposing the Quran and sunnah (the saying of the Prophet) as the supreme law of the land that two purposes: To bring the people together under a more authoritarian regime. Of course, his own survival was involved in it. But it has only caused further divisions in the country, for it failed to address the problem of power sharing.
Fundamentalism, Wahabism and the stress on the Islamic ummah were all designed to integrate the people at a different level. Even the call for jehad was a way to make them forget their differences. But ethnicity has triumphed.
Altaf Hussain, the Mohajir leader, has said that the people of Sindh would be compelled to fight for self-determination if they were denied an autonomous state by the Fascist rulers of Punjab. The Mohajirs want the MQM to give up electoral politics and take to violence. They are concentrated in the cities of Sindh, while the Sidhis are in rural areas. While the central government does everything to keep them divided, they themselves do not seem to trust each other. While the Sindhis want an independent state, the MQM is ready to settle for autonomy. The Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz has already called for independence from Punjabi rule.
Jehad is the new distraction. It has become the new highway to power. Each mullah with a private army has become a man of destiny. Private armies are being raised by the dozen to share power. They demand a say in the domestic affairs of the country. They can have only one objective: to impose a puritanical regime a theocracy on Pakistan.
Never before had an organisation like Dawat (Dawat-al-Irshad) with a trained army of 30,000 men felt the urge to speak on internal affairs, News International, a daily warned recently. One organisation is reported to have trained about 200,000 jehadis.
It is feared that the Pakistan army, which has overall control over these private armies, can ultimately achieve its dream of imposing a Talibanised regime over Pakistan. That will be the ultimate horror for India. But it will be no less a horror to Pakistan. For them it will be the final denouement of the Pak dream.
In the meantime, Pakistans intelligence agencies no more work under the government. They have become autonomous. They resent civilian rule over them. They seem to be providing the eyes, ears and brain to the jehadis.
It is said that there are only 5000 jehadis in Jammu and Kashmir. Where are the rest? They are all over the world fighting for Islam. Is this a new crusade? Perhaps, Pakistan denies any knowledge. But that is not going to prevent the world from mounting a war against terrorism. And against Pakistan too.
No one knows the future of Afghanistan. It is a time-bomb ticking away on the cockpit of the world. It can make or mar Pakistan. If peace returns to Afghanistan, Pakistan may well have a future. If not, Afghanistan will drag Pakistan down its precipitous mountains.
Pakistan lives from hand to mouth. Remittances, Saudi munificence and IMF loans have kept it alive. It has hardly had any industrial development to talk of. One wit said only bicycles, tongas and bullock carts are made in Pakistan.
By 2050 the population of Pakistan is expected to be 500 million. Pakistan is looking for lebensraum in Afghanistan and Central Asia. No wonder its neighbours are today highly suspicious of every move by it.
The Worldwatch Institute says that the per capita land availability of Pakistan will fall to 0.03 hectare by 2050. This will force Pakistan to import half its food needs. Where will the money come from?
So, we come to the final
question: Has Pakistan a future? Only time will tell.
This will not be decided by atom bombs and missiles. As
Khruschev once said: Atom bombs are not cucumbers
that you can salt and eat.
NAGPUR: Mr Slaney, City Magistrate, Nagpur, delivered judgement in the defamation case against Mr Ogale, Editor, Maharashtra, by Rao Sahib Nimbalkar Tehsildar, second class Magistrate, for having published in his paper that the complainant travelled in the first class with a lower class ticket and a Malguzar friend paid the excess fare and penalty.
The court convicted the accused and sentenced him to pay a fine of Rs 300 or in default to undergo 4 months simple imprisonment or a fine of Rs 250 to be paid to the complainant as compensation.
The court further remarked that the accused was the editor of a newspaper and responsible to the public and he was far from suggesting interference with the freedom of the Press and agreed that the Editors were entitled to a certain amount of latitude.
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