P A G E
Wednesday, September 22, 1999
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E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
Wednesday, September 22, 1999 |
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Samata
targets poll panel
NEGLECTING
CRIME IN INDIA |
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Time
to play active role in Afghanistan
Marriages
touch a low in USA
Nothing
to declare
September 22,
1924 |
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Samata targets poll panel COMMON decency is a casualty in the rush of serious charges flowing from the Samata Party and finding a dutiful echo from the BJP. First, the party discovered duplicate ballot boxes and the Election Commission promptly denied their existence after a thorough scrutiny. For good measure, it got a metal strip inserted to help easy detection of unauthorised boxes. Now the party screams that thousands and thousands of extra ballot papers have been printed for use (and abuse) in the Nalanda and Barh Lok Sabha constituencies in Bihar. Samata chieftains Fernandes and Nitish Kumar are candidates there. Again the Election Commission has rejected the charge. This time the Defence Minister clearly overstepped the limit and quoted from a non-existent letter from the Director, Intelligence Bureau, to support his “excess printing” accusation. Mr Fernandes nurses a conspiracy theory. The Bihar government headed by Mrs Rabri Devi and the West Bengal government of Mr Jyoti Basu have authored this vile plot to defeat the two solid pillars of the BJP-led alliance, he asserts. The proof? A press in Calcutta printed the ballot papers! This is a reckless charge. For one thing, the printing work was farmed out by the Election Commission which also sent a team of senior officials to supervise the work. There is another team now in Patna to receive the papers and despatch them to the two constituencies. At the state level, the official in charge is the Chief Electoral Officer and his power is unfettered. Anyway, the state government has no role to play. It was a bloomer to drag the Calcutta press into this sordid smear campaign. It has clearance from the Nasik Security Press and regularly undertakes RBI job. It did ballot paper printing last year too without attracting any malevolent attention. The nature of the
controversy and the high pitch in which it is aired vest
it with a sinister meaning. All the three members of the
Election Commission have dismissed the charges as
baseless, denounced the way it is being projected and
have lashed out at the open attempt to question their
credibility. Strong words these, but strictly warranted!
Despite this criticism, Samata and the BJP are keeping up
their chorus, painting the blackest picture of the
ground-level situation in Bihar. This is not all. The BJP
talks of wholesale rigging and refers to the Acting
Governor’s letter to the Home Ministry seeking mass
transfer of district officials. The party in power at the
Centre is content to ignore this protocol lapse of
bypassing the Election Commission. Mr Fernandes accuses
the Bihar Chief Minister of inciting a mob attack on Mr
Ram Vilas Paswan, even after her repeated denial. He also
fears that the government wants to annihilate the family
of his party colleague, Mr Nitish Kumar, by way of
interpreting the angry demonstration of about 200 RJD
workers in front of the house to protest against the
murder of a fellow party worker. The BJP’s and
Samata’s horror campaign may have a motive different
from making the state safe for voting. In Nalanda there
appears to be a groundswell of anti-Defence Minister
sentiment and people bitterly point out that he had
visited the constituency only thrice in 18 months. The
brief desire of Mr Nitish Kumar to return to his old
constituency has weakened the Kurmi support for Mr
Fernandes. The RJD-Congress-CPM alliance is a direct
threat as is the return of the Bhumihars to the rival
camp in Barh to Mr Nitish Kumar. Obviously both of them
fear an electoral reverse and want to stall the election.
The patient hearing the Acting Governor got in the Home
Ministry is a signal by itself. The Samata duo will not
rest until they achieve their immediate aim and the
Election Commission’s blunt rejoinder shows that the
battle has been joined. |
Laden’s threat UNION Home Minister L. K. Advani has been quoted as having said that India would crush religious terrorism with the same firmness as it demonstrated while driving back Pakistani aggressors from Kargil. Since Kargil is the flavour of the election season, the usually careful leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party evidently did not see the flaw in his statement. Saudi millionaire Osama bin Laden's declaration of "jehad" [holy war] against India and the USA deserved a more serious response than the one offered by Mr Advani. By equating Laden's threat of unleashing religious terror on India with Kargil he has inadvertently taken a position in which action would follow only after the infiltration of armed fanatics has taken place. Kargil was a monumental intelligence failure for which the country's defence services paid a heavy price. Mr Advani also forgot that he would not get any debating point for making a brave-sounding statement on the threat to the country's security and unity from religious terrorism. Even the might of the USA has not been able to eliminate the world's most ruthless killer and it is, therefore, unlikely that the Home Minister's statement would make him shake with fear. It is amazing how a single individual has become a serious threat to world peace. His men, or those on the same wave length of religious fanaticism, are virtually all over the place — bombing the World Trade Centre in the USA, creating turbulence in Central Asia, providing arms and training to Chechen rebels, instigating Dagestan to cause mayhem in the name of fighting for freedom and blowing up residential apartments with clinical precision in Russia. However, before the explosions in the US embassy buildings in Tanzania and Kenya in August, 1998, the name of Laden was seldom mentioned as the source of Islamic terrorism. In Kenya of the 213 persons killed in the blasts, 34 were on the staff of the US embassy, including 12 Americans. In Tanzania of the 11 killed eight were from the embassy. India needs to evolve a
two-track policy for meeting the threat to the country's
unity and security from Laden-trained religious fanatics.
Mr Advani has been quoted as having said that India was
not a soft state in the context of the declaration of
"jehad" against the country by the
international terrorist. But it is a vulnerable country
because it shares borders with China, Nepal, Bhutan,
Myanmar and Pakistan (even Sri Lanka). What the country
lacks is an effective counter-insurgency policy for
dealing with militants, terrorists, insurgents and
religious fanatics operating in Kashmir and the
North-East. It must also be recognised that Laden has, in
a certain context, already carried out his threat as is
evident from the spread of Islamic terrorism to the
South. Without effective intelligence-gathering and
counter-terrorism networks the fight against any form of
terrorism cannot be won. The second part of the policy
should address the genuine concerns of the minorities.
Members of the Sangh Parivar need to be told that they
are as much responsible for the growth of militant
activity in India as trained and armed mercenaries from
other countries are. An emotionally, socially,
educationally and economically insecure member of a
minority community is more likely to be tempted into
playing host to ISI agents or Laden's outfits than the
one who is made to feel secure by the State. An
internally secure nation seldom has any problem in coping
with external threats. |
Draconian “reforms” THERE is no denying the fact that the present electoral system is full of loopholes, large enough to let elephant-sized aberrations pass through. That there is urgent need for bringing about a change is also undeniable. But this has to be done in a practical and plausible manner. Unfortunately, these two attributes are conspicuously not present in the recommendations of the Law Commission. In fact, the suggestions can introduce even more complications than are present in the system at present. The most extreme of these is the suggestion to debar independent candidates from contesting elections. Representative democracy, as is prevalent here, focuses on electing individuals from various geographic localities, not bringing to power certain parties. There is no doubt that the independent MPs/MLAs are more prone to falling prey to corrupt practices but that does not mean that the voters of any constituency can be deprived of their right to elect a non-party representative of their choice. Even otherwise, those belonging to political parties have not lagged behind the independents in (mis)using their position. No less unusual is the suggestion that if a party does not get 5 per cent of the overall popular vote in the Lok Sabha or assembly elections, it would not be entitled to have any representation even if its candidates have succeeded in their own constituencies. It is not clear as to who will be declared elected in their place but what is clear is that he won't be the true representative of the people. Not only that. The Law
Commission has gone on to suggest that the size of
Parliament should be increased by 25 per cent. That would
have been understandable had it been because of the
increase in the population. But the commission has
suggested that the additional strength should be
distributed to parties in proportion to the overall
popular vote received by them. Parties will choose for
this 25 per cent from a pre-declared list of persons who
may have never fought an election. Won't this amount to
allowing political parties to dole out favours to
discredited politicians? To curb defections, it wants
that no representative should be allowed to change his
party. It would not be possible to split the party even
if one-third of the members want it. Defying the whip
would bring about disqualification. Armed with such
powers, the party leaders could easily turn into
dictators, which would be as bad, if not worse, than
opportunism and destabilisation. The five-year term that
it wants for Parliament may cause more frequent
topplings. In the midst of such controversial welcome
suggestions, the Law Commission report has also
recommended some welcome changes. For instance, it wants
that even those candidates should be ineligible for
contesting an election who have been judicially charged
with an offence, even though they may not have been tried
or convicted. It suggests restoration of the pre-1975 law
that any expenditure by others, including a political
party, should be added to the candidate's expenses for
computing the ceiling. Good or bad, the recommendations
are bound to start a fierce debate. But since the
implementation requires changes in electoral laws as well
as the Constitution, it would be futile to expect any
progress in the near future. In keeping with their
self-preservation instincts, various political parties,
big and small, may come together to scuttle the suggested
reforms. |
NEGLECTING CRIME IN INDIA IN America there seems to be a certain amount of acceptance of the unusual crime wave, probably because the causes seem vague. In Britain the government fears that there will be such a huge increase in crime that they are sending officials to warn all the 43 police forces in England and Wales of the need to be prepared for it. An important cause is an increase in the use of drugs. An official report says “drug addicts commit a third of all thefts, burglaries and street robberies.” With the media preoccupied with the election scene, reports of crime in India are not given prominence. Besides, most crimes go unreported. Many cases are not registered, if reported. The attacks on the elderly are prominent in many cities. The worst crimes like human sacrifice, the killing of Graham Staines and his two sons, lie undetected. The offences committed by children from well-to-do families are increasing here, as in America. The underlying cause is the same — envy of the rich, together with the desire to fly high, eat and drink lavishly, and attack the girl who stays out, or the boy who steals her. In a poor country we are now getting the crime that is common in the affluent world. We are becoming rich only on the crime scene. “Today’s parents in America are creating parasite children”, says James Jones. “Parents are giving their children money instead of love, and things instead of time”. We are doing the same. All that happens today in America has the theme of a cinema-cum-TV culture, and now computer and e-mail. There is costume and drama (the trench coat and the asides on the Internet), horrible fears, the gun indicating power and the arrogance of killing, and lastly the glory of publicity — headlines — villain for a day. In the past, blood was the craving of people in revolutions; now it is the craving of any man who feels deeply hurt. It may even be a student like Benjamin Smith, who shot 11 people and committed suicide. Suicide is the common feature of these crimes, the passion of some people who have been fed on a diet of perverted news and views, and who from the earliest age sit with a glass of milk before school, gazing entranced at television, often horrified and bewildered, then turn to drugs and sex before 16, and try to live in a world full of hate and mysterious cults or drug fantasies. Everything comes in for blame, even modern scientific thought. The Education Board of Kansas feels that schools need not be scientific. In this day and age, it voted to delete evolution as a special study. They believe that God created the world according to the Bible in six days. They say that if you accept evolution, there is no meaning in life left, “We’re just animals in a struggle for existence. It creates a sense of living without purpose and hope, which leads to pain, murder and suicide. For 150 years after Darwin there had been no sign of such a trauma. Why has it appeared now?” Crime like those of Buford Furrow Jr who shot up a Jewish community centre injuring two women and three children, and who showed no signs of remorse when he was produced in court he said it was a “wake-up call to kill Jews”, or that of Mark Barton who brutally killed his three children and then opened fire at two brokerage firms killing nine and wounding 13. These are examples of a new type of crime appearing in America. Susan Faludi says, “Many ordinary men in America sense that some vague and shifting ‘system’ has let them down. More and more, the American community fails to offer its postwar sons and grandsons what it used to offer all men a chance to ground their manhood on utility, dedication and loyalty”. She continues: “A culture that feeds the fears of many American men. That culture holds up a frightening mirror. Reflected there is an image of a man in a room alone — isolated from his fellows, unheeded by his family, staring into a computer screen on which he seeks disembodied fortune or, if that fortune fails, types a suicide note.” How will America deal with this type of crime if it becomes common all over. These criminals are not afraid of punishment, in fact their death itself is a defiance of the law and its punitive aspects. In the first place, it is difficult to identify these criminals, as we identify ordinary ones. These new types spring up suddenly. Their most intimate friends, their closest neighbours, have no idea that they are likely to commit a brutal crime, and then end their lives. Is the police chase, the confrontation and suicide the only way to deal with this form of crime? There is a basic difference in the way a traditional Indian and a true American looks at life, which was pointed out in a book, “Richer by Asia”, by Edmond Taylor. The Indian says: “You live your life as you want to. I will live my life as I want to. I will worship the gods of my faith, you worship what pleases you.” There is an acceptance of diversity that comes naturally to an Indian, and makes secularism fit into the land comfortably. The American, whose migration from Europe was due to strict adherence to his faith, is often resentful of those who are not the same. There is a strong racist strain that American consciously tries to overcome but which appears in groups that survive in secrecy. Profile the killers and what do we find in common? They are from the affluent class, have a strong desire to have their way, and if thwarted, to kill and end their life. They have seen all, and suffered much due to a super-sensitive nature, combined with an inability to live with any type of adversity or setback, probably caused by an insecure childhood, or overwhelming pride in themselves or a vague sense of something lacking. There is no compunction at killing, no remorse, no sense of shame, no guilt at all, and a deep violent hatred directed at a section of society, a personal enemy, even an ex-wife or jilted lover. A strong desire to dramatise, to get a sense of power with guns, to walk the way of westerns in films; and also a strong desire to hog the headlines, and be remembered for a day as a villain. Traditional virtues, fear of God or the law is totally absent. What is it in American life that produces such monsters. Is it only a passing phase? Is there something in their culture that makes living seem difficult and worthless? Is it pollution that is producing a new type of human being? The prospect of many more such monsters arising and killing indiscriminately is a prospect that threatens the world. What is happening in America today may soon happen in other parts of the world. Is it only war and desperate adventure that keeps such types quiet, and they become heroes as they have no fear of death? The method of dealing with this type of crime will have to be different, requiring new method, a new philosophy, and even totally new concepts of societal protection. These crimes have a cinema and television causation, or a dramatised, glorified and publicity-seeking element which implies that a big educational effort will have to be designed and used. If the media is used in a purposeful way to turn the thinking of people away from the type of violence that seems to arise from the culture of the race, it may have some effect. Hate crime is an inadequate terminology to describe it. Nor can it be dealt with by a return to religion, a denial of Darwin’s theory of evolution, or a crackdown to the bizarre cults that seem to flourish in the most affluent and best-entertained land, or a land in which the average man has everything he needs. It will require a deep insightful enquiry to determine the causes, in which sociologists, psychologists, activists of various types and policemen, lawyers and judges will have to work jointly to find out what produces these criminals, how they can be identified, prevented and punished. (The author is a
former Member, Police Commission). |
E.
Timor’s lurch towards democracy EVEN as the world readies itself for the 21st century, there are nations in the world which are struggling to cope up with the promises of freedom and democracy. East Timor, for instance. Given up by Portugal in 1974, the tiny kingdom was annexed by Indonesia which let loose a reign of repression and terror. East Timor is now slated to become free, but the violence and bloodletting continue. Some time back, the people of East Timor, in UN-supervised referendum, overwhelmingly rejected the choice of complete autonomy promised by Indonesia. They were for total freedom and did not want any links with Indonesia, their oppressors for over 20 years. The result of the referendum was grudgingly accepted by the Indonesian authorities. Yet, deliberately or otherwise, they chose to ignore the vicious attacks launched against the locals by the militia, groups of armed thugs who had let loose a reign of terror for several months. People were killed, their property was burnt and there was a mass exodus from Dili, the new capital of East Timor. The Indonesian authorities pretended as though nothing was happening. But the United Nations, which had supervised the referendum, was finally forced to act. It urged Indonesia to accept contingents of peacekeeping forces drawn mostly from Australia and New Zealand. Jakarta hemmed and hawed, but seeing the situation getting out of control, reluctantly signalled acceptance. But peace is yet a long way off in East Timor. On the eve of the announcement of the referendum results, the Indonesian army chief, General Wiranto, despatched a further 1500 troops to the territory, to reinforce the existing 15,000 military and police forces. Unfortunately, the armed forces, known for their brutality, had shown little enthusiasm to take on even the lightly-armed militia which had been allowed full freedom to terrorise, kill and loot. There could be political reasons behind this impasse. President Habibie knew he could not antagonise the military because he needed the 38 seats held by the military in the new 700-member People’s Consultative Assembly to hold his own and retain the presidency against frontrunner Megawati Sukarnoputri, who is tipped to win the race. At the same time, General Wiranto was known to entertain political ambitions of his own and needed an army which was united and satisfied. A ruthless crackdown on the armed militia, which had many supporters among the forces, could affect his chances for a political career. The reluctance to rein in the militias had been noted by foreign observers, including UN personnel. “The Indonesian army units are much better armed than the members of the militia, but still do not take any action against them,” complained a western military official posted in Dili. There is an emotional attachment between the armed forces and the militia which can withstand political pressure from the top.” Backed by this kind of support, the militia had been getting bolder and more ruthless. Today, it numbers around 20,000. They were allowed complete freedom to keep a watch at airports to prevent the flight of threatened pro-freedom Timorese to safety. While no one was sure about the ultimate motives of the militia, in view of the pro-independence vote, it was feared that it could plunge the small territory in civil war. Such a fear would become a reality if the militias could engage the pro-independence guerrilla group called Falanti in an open war. In the history of Indonesia such militant, armed groups had always played a key role on earlier occasions. The militia was let loose against radical Muslims in the 1950s, the communists in the 1960s and as recently as last year against student agitators, who took to the streets against former President and strongman, General Suharto. On all these occasions, the government in Jakarta dithered because its aims were the same as those of the militia ruffians. While the issue of allowing the presence of UN peacekeeping force was being debated, the Indonesian government, to begin with, argued that such a step could be done only after it was ratified by the newly elected Indonesian Parliament early next month. But Western powers as well as Australia and New Zealand feared that the interim period was full of danger. It could be used by the military, the police and the lame-duck government to give a free hand to the militias and result in mass killings and looting. They demanded a quick despatch of peacekeeping forces. Australia, fearing such an eventuality, had kept some of its armed units ready at Darwin, and these could land in Dili within a week’s time. Ultimately, most of the peacekeeping forces landing in the territory would be from Australia and New Zealand. Despite the overall jubilation in the territory over the proposed arrival of the peacekeeping forces, it is generally agreed that maintaining peace in East Timor would not be easy. The primary tasks in the territory were to restore law and order and collect the illegal arms. The second was more difficult. Over the past few years, the peace talks in Northern Ireland had constantly bogged down on the issue of disarming the Irish Republican Army (IRA) activists. Similarly, in Bosnia and Kosovo, the United Nations authorities achieved very little success on the same issue. Recent instances in different parts of the world have shown that peacekeeping forces are seldom able to finish their job quickly and leave for home. The UN forces tended to lose their credibility and popularity with the people if their stay was extended indefinitely. Further, the entire issue of sending peacekeeping forces had become highly politicalised. For instance, why didn’t the UN take action in the 1965 when hundreds of thousands of innocent Indonesians were massacred when General Suharto and his fellow Generals ordered a purge against the communists? The UN kept quiet because the Western powers which had always dominated the organisation did not really mind the genocide of suspected communists. The West condoned the massacre on the grounds that it brought “stability” to the region. The UN troops may be
able to bring temporary peace to East Timor. But this is
not enough. The big powers should aim for something more
permanent. They should not allow themselves to be swayed
by their own vested interests in the region. Further,
regional interests and quarrels should also be kept in
check. Indonesia may have a huge international market for
Western goods, but that should not mean it should be
given a licence to ride roughshod over human rights
issues. The people of East Timor have suffered enough.
Their sacrifices should not be allowed to go waste. |
Nothing
to declare OVER the years, I might have passed through airport customs in many parts of the world dozens of times, and I can recall only one occasion when the customs officer at London Heathrow chose to scrutinise my luggage and found nothing incriminating or dutiable. I also remember that once an Indian editor, stopped by Heathrow customs, proudly declared his identity but was told: “You could be anybody, I don’t care. Please open your suitcase.” Unlike in most airports where there are green and red channels, at JFK airport in New York, everyone has to stop at the customs and answer a couple of questions put by the man at the counter. Either you are allowed to go or your baggage is opened and examined. It all depends on the impression you make on the customs official — either you are a potential smuggler or you are just carrying small gifts for your relatives and friends. If you are from India, they are more concerned about some hidden foodstuff you might carry, rather than drugs. The home-made mango pickle your mother might have hidden in your suitcase, unless it is packed in a sealed container, is invariably thrown into the dustbin. I have often felt like telling the customs official as Oscar Wilde did at New York Custom House: “I have nothing to declare except my genius.” Obviously, I could not dare make such a presumptuous statement, and so I was just content in identifying myself as a journalist. That was a good enough credential for not being suspected to be carrying any expensive gifts because every Tom, Dick and Harry in the world knows that a journalist, especially an Indian journalist posted abroad, is as prosperous as the church mouse. Back home, it is a different story. Most travellers choose the green channel and get away with the booty they collect abroad. If you are even remotely related to a VIP or a VVIP, you are escorted through the customs and no questions are asked. But in the United States, even close relatives of VVIPs do not enjoy the Indian kind of privilege. A case in point is the recent experience at the Atlanta airport customs of Columba Bush, wife of the Governor of Florida, and daughter-in-law of former US President George Bush. Mrs Bush hit the front pages of American newspapers for the simple reason that she had been on a shopping trip to Paris, and as the Washington correspondent of the London daily, the Independent, put it, “she seemed to have got a little carried away.” To cut the story short, Mrs Columba Bush had bought $ 19000 worth of clothes and jewellery, but chose to declare only five hundred dollars. “So we asked for her receipts”, spokesman for US customs was quoted as saying, “and they were a little bit more.” She had to pay a fine of $ 4,100, and for the next several days, she and her husband were on television admitting the “mistake”. “I can assure you it was a difficult weekend at our house,” Governor Bush, whose brother G.W. Bush, Governor of Texas, is a republican candidate for the presidential election next year, said. “She knew what she did was wrong and made a mistake”, he added. The American media had a “field day” and the Miami Herald even carried an editorial. “Memo to Columba Bush”, said the paper. “Next time you feel the need for a shopping orgy, try this: Buy American”. Such practical and
sensible advice should fall on deaf ears in India. We
love everything imported — even a Prime Minister, if
possible. In any case, our VIPs and VVIPs and their kith
and kin, unlike the VOPs (very ordinary persons), stand
on a different pedestal and are immune to such legal
problems as Mrs Columba Bush faced in Atlanta. |
Time to play active role in Afghanistan Security & Strategy THE remarkable military victory in Kargil has given way to a very slick and finely-tuned diplomatic offensive by the country’s Ministry of External Affairs, a fact which possibly seems to have been missed by many, caught as they are within the loyalties and confines of their political party affiliations. India achieved a similar military success in 1971 during the Indo-Pakistan war over East Pakistan, now Bangladesh. But that is about where, the similarity ends. After capturing over 93,000 PoWs whom we could have kept in our custody for some time as a bargaining counter, the government of the day frittered away the strategic gains of the soldiers, and settled for a Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir, which will continue to bother the nation for a long, long time. Even otherwise, it created a new power equation in Bangladesh which has its own national equations and which as we have now seen, do not always coincide with the Indian viewpoint, ethnically and strategically. More to the point, we crossed the frontiers of India and carried the war to another country, (a la the IPKF in Sri Lanka, another unwise act to my way of thinking), and ended up with little or no political, diplomatic or strategic gain. This is what one would call a typically apt example of bumbledom in diplomacy. This time, thank our lucky stars, because of a calm and collected leader, ably supported by a firm and thinking Minister of Foreign Affairs, we were able to throw out the Pakistanis to where they had come from, and succeeded in carrying the diplomatic offensive worldwide to newer frontiers. In Kargil, as opposed to the erstwhile East Pakistan, the Pakistani regulars alongside the Taliban and mercenaries from many a religious bloc, were present. Mr Jaswant Singh has already also spoken of the imprint of the followers of Osama bin Laden on the Kashmir front. The armed victory in Kargil, where we reacted forcefully to the sudden intrusions into one of the most difficult terrains of the world, is a greater success story than the war in Bangladesh. The diplomatic path that India is now treading, is also a welcome variation from what we had embarked upon the post-1971 Indo-Pak war, when we were left with very few friends in the neighbourhood, or among the other power blocs. There are quite a few milestones that Indian diplomacy is today covering. The continuing dialogue with the USA, France and Israel, just to name a few of our “Far-off neighbours”, has ripped the mask off Pakistan’s face, and the whole of the free world today recognises that it had always been the Pakistani army regulars who along with others, had transgressed internationally recognised boundaries and brought untold misery to the people of Jammu and Kashmir. These adventurers have also exported into India, trans-border terrorism and narco-related depredations and instability, which goes against the very grain of good neighborliness, and the concept of independent nation states. Now when Afghanistan itself is on the boil, it was for neighbouring Pakistan to step in as a bulwark for restoring normal democratic norms, respect and rights for the weaker sex, and the right to live in peace and harmony. Just the opposite has, of course, happened. Pakistan’s abetment and active support to be the Taliban in Afghanistan, first against their own brand of the Mujahideen and now against the Northern Alliance, its use of the “overflow” from that country in forcibly occupied Kashmir, courtesy the army and the ISI conduit, and frequent, transborder attacks into Indian territory and northern Afghanistan, have unsettled the whole of the South Asian landmass. Iran, the oil and mineral rich CIS and even the Muslim populated Singkiang state have all been adversely affected in one form or the other. A weakened Russia, fighting its own economic battles and growing insurgencies in breakaway states, has not helped any, in restoring some semblance of stability in this strategically important region. India is moving purposefully and with a well-chartered course to stem the rot. Hostile neighbours attacking us will be adequately dealt with, but at the same time they will be told in clear terms that only discussions with one another across the table will bear fruit. The restraint exercised over Kargil, by the USA and G8 countries, Russia and China augurs well for durable peace in the future. India has a border dispute with China, but surely that can be settled one day by both countries bilaterally, given the fact that these two nuclear powers can never ever have a decisive military victory over one another because of their strategic geographic depth, large population bases and richness of raw material resources. If India has Pakistan to deal with, so does China have Taiwan, and I think Beijing would do well to devote a little more attention to the spread of the Islamic wave, north-eastwards to its Tibetan frontiers and the autonomous regions. Deterrents, nuclear and conventional, may counteract the ballistic missiles and deadly warheads, but will have little effect on religious and fundamentalist ideologies. Post-Kargil, India and other like-minded countries like the CIS, Russia and Iran, must address this concern with all the attention it deserves. At the same time, India
must play a predominant role in bringing peace or at
least a ceasefire in Afghanistan expeditiously. It is
heartening to see its efforts in the diplomatic arena in
stemming the rot. A peaceful and stable Afghanistan,
acting as a independent neutral buffer, will in itself
ensure a stabler South Asia. |
Marriages touch a low in USA WASHINGTON, Sept 21 (Reuters) — Americans are less inclined to get married than at any time in US history, posing social and public-policy dilemmas and threatening to dissolve the “glue” that connects fathers to their children, experts say. A report released by the National Marriage Project at Rutgers University found “a substantial weakening of the institution of marriage” in America. The researchers said the US marriage rate has never been lower, births to unmarried women have skyrocketed, the divorce rate remains high and Americans’ marriages are less happy than in the past. “There is no known society that has gotten along without marriage and has done a decent job in rearing and sponsoring the next generation,” said Barbara Dafoe whitehead, National Marriage Project Co-Director The crumbling of the institution of marriage should not be viewed as a benign social trend with no costs to society at large, added the project’s other Co-Director, David Popenoe. “Marriage is a fundamental social institution,” the National Marriage Project report says. “It is central to the nature and raising of children. It is the ‘social glue’ that reliably attaches fathers to children. It contributes to the physical, emotional and economic health of men, women and children, and thus to the nation as a whole.” The problem has worried policy-makers at the highest levels of the US Government. “To the extent that the collapse of marriage is behind larger social problems, the government has to deal with it where it can,” Bruce Reed, President Bill Clinton’s Chief Domestic Policy Adviser, said in an interview. Unwed mothers Many American women, particularly black women, are giving birth and raising children without getting married. In 1960, 5.3 per cent of all US babies were born to unwed mothers, according to government statistics. In 1977, 32 per cent of all babies were born to unmarried women — and a startling 69 per cent of black babies had unwed mothers. Missing fathers Some sociologists argue that the absence of fathers at home has contributed to a variety of American society’s ills. Studies have concluded that children growing up without their biological father present are more likely to commit crime, abuse drugs and alcohol, drop out of school, commit suicide, live in poverty and become pregnant as a teen than children living with their married parents. Divorce rate This US divorce rate now is twice what it was in 1960, although it has declined moderately since its peak in the early 1980s. The number of divorces ballooned from 9.2 per 1,000 married women in 1960 to 19.5 in 1998, the report said. Experts said the US
Government has contributed to the problem in the past 40
years with policies that have served as disincentives to
marriage, such as welfare programmes that encouraged
unwed motherhood and the ‘marriage penalty’
under which married Americans pay higher taxes than
singles. —Reuter |
September
22, 1924 ONE of the most surprising things in connection with the happenings at Kohat is the fact that among the first persons to be arrested were Rai Bhadur Sardar Makhan Singh, a well-known millionaire of Kohat and President of the local Hindu Sabha (Bar-at-Law). The charges against them have not yet been disclosed. Their application for bail has been refused. They are kept in the jail along with ordinary criminals and are deprived of all comforts and facilities which are as a rule allowed to undertrial prisoners. We know of no civilised country in which undertrial prisoners of their position would be denied such creature comforts as their own beddings, personal apparel and food. Considering that these
gentlemen have already suffered more than most of the
people at Kohat, the least that the Frontier Government
can do is not to deny them these ordinary comforts. |
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