|  | The book in the present form makes
                the reader wonder if the indulgence of the well-to-do people in
                arson and loot of Muslim properties is not to be attributed to
                the fact that over the years the fanatics have been well masked
                and that even the discerning and well-meaning journalists have
                contributed in building the moderate image of this class. The
                inability of the media to see through motives of those in high
                places has lent credibility and respectability to these forces.
                Even today they refuse to recognise the pattern which began with
                Pokhran and coursed through Kargil, the farce of Ramzan
                ceasefire, and the December 13 attack which was rightly termed
                as an attack on the Indian Republic and State, therefore
                justifying the mobilisation of forces. Yet, when the same kind
                of attack took place on the Bhubaneswar Assembly it was for
                obvious reasons hastily subjected to amnesia.
 Gujarat is
                dangerous for the country because the well groomed have
                appropriated the role of the lumpen elements of 1984 and
                simultaneously the intelligentsia and opinion makers have
                allowed themselves to be influenced by the make-believe
                moderation of the Prime Minister. Or, perhaps Saba Naqvi Bhaumik
                is close to striking truth when she mentions the striking
                proximity of Gujarat to Arundhati Roy’s imprisonment. The
                Indian society has been manifesting intolerance for quite some
                time now and obviously the crisis is of political leadership
                rather than of the whole Indian state surrendering to the
                communal virus. However, when read
                as a unit, the articles in the book not only provide answers to
                the conscience-pricking questions but also give reason to be
                optimistic. Dipankar Gupta and Romila Thapar remind us as to
                what leadership is all about when they recall the manner in
                which Jawaharlal Nehru had dealt with fanatical forces. Such
                leaders are not to be seen on the political horizon today, but
                there are, despite a depressing record in recent years,
                bureaucrats like Harsh Mander and Jayanti Ravi who respond to
                their conscience and the call of duty, rather than the political
                masters of the day, who would like to right the wrongs of
                history. There is hope for India to reconstruct itself as
                "a pluralist, humane state on the debris of hatred" as
                long as there are police officers like Rahul Sharma, who finding
                his force hesitant to open fire on a violent mob, not only took
                the rifle of a constable and shot, but recorded the fact in the
                log book, or, Saurabh Srivastava, who single-handedly doused the
                communal fire in neighbouring Rajasthan. A reader might add
                that twice before we have witnessed mindless violence overtaking
                civil life. On both occasions we have collectively pushed the
                memories on the margin of our consciousness. We need to build a
                memorial, lest we forget the madness to which we succumbed in
                Gujarat as well as in Delhi for the victims of 1984 riots and
                those of the decade-long mayhem in Punjab.
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