|  | There are no easy answers to
                unending questions, ifs, buts and whys.
 In this entire
                sordid drama, where in, script and dialogue was written by
                bullets and blood and innocent lives snuffed out, there are no
                winners. There are plenty of losers. As one looks over the
                shoulder, while going through the ''heavy'' stuff that the
                author has packed in the book, it emerges that there were, in
                fact, only two major characters, call them actors or villains:
                ''the Sikh militants and the Indian state''. As a scribe, one
                has either punched on the computer or run through thousands of
                accounts of that time period of violence (militancy or
                terrorism). By now it is apparent that the book under review is
                different. It deals more with the ''other'', the 'condemned'
                Sikh youth—the militant. Broadly speaking, it is a document
                that tries to understand the ''other'' ; it is a discourse
                between two opposing camps. Over a period of time, one has seen
                either side being blamed for what Punjab has suffered. There has
                not been a focused study, so far, on violence per se. Perhaps,
                Birinder Pal Singh holds the key to this particular aspect of
                the Punjab crises of mid-80s that ended towards the end of 1992. The author leads
                the reader by first stating the ''problem of political
                violence'' and gradually opens the door to ''Sikh militant
                movement'' before elaborating on the ''The state in india''.
                While proceeding with his arguments and hypothesis, the reader
                is invited to look at the ''Dialectic of militant violence''
                before he finally endeavours to "Making sense of discourse
                of violence'' and as he bids good-bye, he adds an ''Epilogue''. There is no doubt
                that the author has painstakingly collected, collated,
                collaborated and co-related available literature on every
                burning issue that concerns Punjab, be it historical,
                administrative, legal, economic, social, religious, regional,
                cultural or political. The author has philosophically weaved the
                mosaic of ''Violence as political discourse'' giving an
                impression as if he has a ''soft'' corner for the ''other'' . In a classic way,
                he has concluded that ''Punjab and Sikh'' are synonyms and
                discrimination by the Indian state against one means
                discrimination against the other, as well. He has divided
                violence into four distinct phases: 1978-80 (when the Nirankari
                episode took place); 1981-84; 1984-85 and 1986-1992. He has
                explained all these four phases at length. He has also
                enunciated that whatever has happened in Punjab since mid-80s
                has also to be viewed and understood in the context of four
                major ''events''—Partition of India and Pakistan in 1947;
                Partition of Punjab and Haryana in 1966; The Sikh-Nirankari
                clash in Amritsar in 1978; and the Operation Bluestar followed
                by massacre of Sikhs in 1984. The first two
                ''events'' he describes as ''division of body'' and the latter
                two events as ''division of soul''. These ''events'', he says,
                had a ''hermeneutic significance in influencing the psyche of
                the Sikhs in general and militants in particular''. The book, in fact,
                encompasses all conceivable factors and facets of Punjabi life,
                while, building up the hypothesis that Birinder Pal Singh later
                proves. His discourse on militants, their literature (largely
                displaying a strong streak of Marxist influence), comparative
                inferences and influences with similar ''movements'' elsewhere
                in the world, the chaos and confusion caused by the phase of
                violence in the Sikh mind, the transformation of the Sikh
                psyche, the distortions in Sikh politics and religion, the
                ''attack'' on the Sikh 'bana and baní' , the
                trauma of troubled Sikh minds, the political machination of the
                State et al have all been discussed. The same is true of the
                role of the State, particularly of the politicians, bureaucrats
                and more so of the police. The book shows
                objectivity as well as traces of subjectivity when the author
                describes the two main characters, the Sikh militants and the
                Indian State, as ''mirror images.'' The author also attempts to
                project the socio-economic and political ideology followed by
                the militants through the prism of religion and goes on to list
                farmers' problems and how diminishing income returns from farms
                also influenced militants' ideology and actions. The book is
                replete with knowledge and information that should help
                policy-makers take appropriate decisions, so that ''violence as
                political discourse'' does not re-visit Punjab. Economy,
                emotions, regional and religious identities and sentiments are
                well-welded in pluralistic Punjabi society. It makes for serious
                reading and helps to gain understanding of the Punjabi psyche as
                well as it’s problems.
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