The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

EDITORIALS

Shekhawat's real test

GOING by the numerical strength in the electoral college, the victory of NDA vice-presidential candidate Bhairon Singh Shekhawat was a foregone conclusion, though there was anxiety in official circles about cross-voting. But, apparently, this apprehension was misplaced, going by the official tally of the results. In fact, reports indicated cross-voting in favour of the NDA nominee, who polled 454 votes against Congress candidate Sushil Kumar Shinde’s 305. For the Bharatiya Janata Party, Mr Shekhawat's victory symbolises its supremacy among its allies. What made Mr Shekhawat's a special case was the fact that he was the personal choice of Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. In fact, this was one of the very few areas where Mr Vajpayee showed firmness and stuck to Mr Shekhawat's candidature in the face of varied suggestions from within his party as well as the allies. There is, no doubt, at 79, Mr Shekhawat is a thorough gentleman. He has a long political experience — including three terms as Chief Minister of Rajasthan — and is a committed BJP leader. Perhaps, the BJP leadership wanted to send a clear message to all political forces at this critical juncture that it means business and would like to have as many of its own party persons installed at key positions as possible. In Pondicherry, it installed Mr K. R. Malkani — another hardcore BJP man — as Lieut-Governor.

Mr Shekhawat is soft-spoken and has pleasant mannerism. His non-controversial credentials are known to one and all. His political traits and sober personality should enable him to conduct the business of the Rajya Sabha smoothly. Much will depend on how he discharges his role as Vice-President and Chairman of the Upper House of Parliament. He has to maintain the dignity and decorum of the Vice-President's office which he is going to occupy at this critical stage of national life. He is expected to be fair and objective and also seen to be so by Opposition parties and the people as a whole. So long as he bears this in mind, not as a partyman but as a non-partisan person, he should have no difficulty in carrying along with him all shades of opinion in the Rajya Sabha. The task is not all that easy. It is rather highly ticklish in view of the fractured nature of today's Indian polity. He will have to put in all his accumulated political skills, patience, understanding and suave nature to carry things forward.

There are no shortcuts in operational successes. He will have to earn goodwill and build his reputation as a statesman. He must not forget that his is not a unanimous choice. The Opposition-supported Congress nominee, Mr Sushil Kumar Shinde, has really given him a tough fight. It must be said that Mr Shinde, a Harijan leader, commands a good reputation and political support among the Scheduled Castes, Backward Classes and others. Mr Shinde deserves praise for conducting his election campaign in a dignified manner. Indeed, for the first time he has come into national focus. This will do good to him as well as his party. Be that as it may. The person to be watched will be Mr Shekhawat in his new coveted position. His real test begins now. His success and failure will depend on his ability to rise above party politics in the Rajya Sabha and on carrying out his constitutional duties as Vice-President.

Funds for development

THE facts speak for themselves. Those who have often been led to believe that development work has got delayed or stalled in Punjab because the state coffers are almost empty must have got a shock to know from Union Minister of State for Rural Development Annasaheb M. K. Patel, who was in Amritsar last Saturday, that the state government is sitting over development funds, that it has utilised less than 58 per cent of the amounts allocated for various Centre-sponsored schemes. Out of Rs 175 crore sanctioned for projects under the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sarak Yojna, the Indira Avaas Yojna, the Innovative Housing Scheme, the Sampuran Gramin Rozgar Yojna, the wasteland development plan and the food-for-work programme, the Punjab Government has Rs 76 crore lying with it unused. The previous Parkash Singh Badal ministry had left unutilised Rs 9.17 crore, despite diverting large funds for the hair-brained “sangat darshan” programme. The state can get the next installment of a fund from the Centre only if it first spends the amount already sanctioned. Sorely disappointed at the slow pace of implementation of the central schemes, the rural development minister made two observations which deserve notice. One, Mr Patel said his impression of the Punjabis being very progressive and enterprising stood tarnished. Two, he squarely blamed the bureaucracy for the tardy progress of various development projects and non-utilisation of funds. Incidentally, the ruling Punjab Congress leaders had recently aired their grievance before the party president that the state was being discriminated against in the distribution of funds by the Centre.

Punjab is currently passing through a difficult phase with near-drought conditions adding to the common man’s financial worries. This is the right time to undertake development works, particularly infrastructure building and rural housing, for employment generation to help the poor. It is not enough to have enough foodgrains; the people should have the purchasing power to buy their requirements. The drought-affected state does not need an Amartiya Sen to advise it on what to do. His drought-combat therapy is widely known. Eighteen per cent of the villagers in Punjab, according to the minister, are houseless, and there are funds for building houses. Again to quote Mr Patel, as many as 150 villages in Amritsar district have contaminated water to drink and 10 per cent of the villages have no water. The state-wide figures, if compiled and made public, will be quite revealing. There are still many villages in Punjab without a road connectivity, and there is a scheme loaded with funds to construct roads. The Punjab godowns are overflowing with foodgrains, and rats and corrupt officials are feeding on them. Besides, the state spends heavily on foodgrain storage. Yet, none has thought of action on the food-for-work programme . Maharajas in the past used to build palaces and monuments at the time of a crisis to provide employment to their subjects. That simple economics rule still holds good. Development may be a nice talking point for politicians, but this is the time to walk the talk.

Dissidence in Orissa

CHIEF MINISTER Naveen Patnaik seems to be in deep trouble. During the last few days, he has been facing the worst-ever dissidence from ruling Biju Janata Dal (BJD) members against his style of functioning. Contrary to his expectations, the ministry expansion which he carried out last week seems to have compounded his problems. The three BJD members which he has inducted into the ministry are believed to be tainted and do not enjoy a good track record. Consequently, the high moral ground which the Chief Minister has been maintaining ever since he dropped three ministers on charges of corruption last year seems to be on the downhill slide. He has invited more trouble for himself and his government by changing the portfolio of Mr Ramakrishna Patnaik from Finance to Agriculture. Peeved by the decision, the latter promptly put in his papers and raised the banner of revolt against the Chief Minister. Mr Ramakrishna Patnaik, who was Number Two in the ministry, is regarded as the stormy petrel of the BJD. He is known for his administrative acumen and leadership qualities. In fact, it was he who was helping Mr Naveen Patnaik as a friend, philosopher and guide. Undaunted by the rebellion in the ruling party, the Chief Minister expelled three members of Parliament from the BJD for “anti-party activities” . Among those expelled is Mrs Kumudini Patnaik, MP from the Aska Lok Sabha constituency and wife of Mr Ramakrishna Patnaik. The Chief Minister, after he resigned as Union Minister for Steel and Mines and shifted to the state, had vacated the Aska seat in favour of Mrs Kumudini Patnaik. The three MPs have now vowed to unseat him for his failure to root out corruption.

What is worrying the Chief Minister is that he is facing rebellion even from the members of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the alliance partner of the BJD. Some BJP ministers are unhappy with the shabby treatment meted out to them by the Chief Minister. They argue that compared with their coalition partners in the BJD, the BJP members have been given a raw deal. They have been denied Cabinet berths and important portfolios despite their seniority and standing in the party. Minister of State for Higher Education and Dalit leader Bimbadhar Kuanr has a sizeable following in the party and he could spell danger for the Chief Minister if the BJP members also join the chorus of dissidence. What is distressing is that because of simmering discontent in the ruling coalition, the day-to-day administration has suffered. It is an open secret that having failed to learn Oriya all these years, the Chief Minister is apparently finding it difficult to run the state. Because of the communication gap, he has failed to establish effective rapport with ministers, MLAs and Zila Panchayat presidents. His speeches at public meetings are translated from English to Oriya. There is a general impression that administration is gradually slipping out of his hands and that he is relying on a coterie of handpicked bureaucrats. This is certainly not a healthy sign for a state which is in need of a strong and effective leader to tackle its manifold problems, including drought.

OPINION

Indian idea: towards fraternity-II
Reservation, education, caste & conversion factors
B. G. Verghese

THE Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes are granted 15 per cent and 7 per cent reservation respectively for electoral and educational purposes and in significant areas of public employment. Positive discrimination that places disadvantaged groups on a fast track is justified. Similar reservations were, however, declined by the Christian leadership in the Constituent Assembly. On the other hand, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains agreed that they be deemed to be Hindus in the exercise of their right to freedom of religion (Article 25). With the approach of Independence, some British officials sought to persuade northeastern tribal communities to opt to become part of a new British crown colony. The Nagas and Mizos rejected these overtures and preferred to negotiate their future with/within India. These fragments of history are part of the unwritten social contract under which Independent India (and Burma) came into being. They are not necessarily sacrosanct; but they should not be forgotten, unilaterally reinterpreted or abrogated merely because of the passage of time.

Going back on solemn promises must necessarily absolve both parties from their earlier commitments. The inability or unwillingness to understand this simple truth has been the cause of much grief in J&K. Trust is more important than law. Sophistry cannot, therefore, mask the importance of the autonomy issue to reconciliation and peace in that troubled state.

Reservations were meant to provide an initial impetus towards expanding opportunity and empowerment for hitherto deprived communities. They have served a valuable purpose and are still required, as the overall pace of progress has been slower than anticipated. Nevertheless, the original purpose has undergone distortion because the benefits have been largely captured by the “creamy layer” on top without filtering down the social pyramid. The absence of a rational exit policy has created a vested interest in the perpetuation and extension of “backwardness” through unbridled Mandalisation, efforts by others to secure their inclusion in the Schedules, and even a measure of re-tribalisation.

All this is a product of vote bank politics and has impeded the very purpose of enhancing equity where most needed. The barrier must be removed. If the political will is not forthcoming, the slower but nevertheless sure process of empowerment of the bottom-most layers of the underclass through the growth of political and social consciousness will exert an upthrust from below that will not be long resisted. Universalisation of education is, however, supremely important for empowerment, especially of the girl-child, and could promote an earlier demographic transition, secular values and fraternity.

Not pressing forward with this imperative (together with adult literacy) despite the constitutional injunction to achieve schooling for all by 1960 represents a major failure of governance and nation-building. It has also undermined secularism and fraternity by perpetuating inequality, robbing millions of opportunity and reinforcing negative vote bank politics. In particular, Muslim Indians, late starters in modern education, fell behind in relative educational attainments after Partition as they felt beleaguered. Secular politics and the Muslim leadership also confused “protecting” the symbolism of Aligarh Muslim University with the totality of Muslim education as such.

AMU has never accounted for more than a tiny percentile of Muslim students in the country and even a smaller percentage of the successive cohorts of Muslim youth entering the educational stream. It is this educational failure more than anything else that has made Muslims relatively non-competitive in the employment market over and beyond any discrimination that they have suffered. Muslim youths have not competed for public service over the years in proportion to their numbers, resulting in their under-representation in the civil services, police, armed forces, industry and the professions. Where they have entered the lists, they have done well and many among them have excelled. This educational deficit, like that of other depressed sections of the population, must be made good. This must be a national objective and it cannot be left to individual communities to raise themselves by their bootstraps.

While the State has fitfully endeavoured to roll back caste through legislation and political action, caste Hindu society and the religious establishment have clearly done little in this direction despite certain social movements. Caste panchayats are still strong and Dalits continue to face discrimination. The Sangh Parivar, with its high caste bias, has tilted at windmills and misdirected its efforts towards reclaiming an imagined past rather than in building the future. Hence the bizarre claim that the Gujarat atrocities, which have brought immense grief, shame and anxiety to the nation, constitute a triumph of “Hindu re- awakening”.

Trading on Ayodhya and Gujarat-like pogroms for “Hindu consolidation” is vicious politics that will ultimately win few prizes. The issue of conversions has aroused Hindutva passions and led to the Graham Staines murder among other things. Mr Vajpayee called for a national debate on conversions after the serial attack on churches in Gujarat in 2001. No debate ensued and it is not clear as to what precisely was to be debated. This writer pointedly asked Mr Narendra Modi, his Chief Secretary and other senior officials in Gandhinagar (May, 2002) if they could furnish details of any illegal conversions to Christianity by force or fraud in Gujarat, as indignantly alleged from time to time. They failed to name a single instance as did the two Joint General Secretaries of the VHP in Ahmedabad.

The Constitution permits “freedom of conscience and the right freely to profess, practice and propagate religion” (Article 25). This is subject only to public order, morality, health and other fundamental rights and includes the right not to believe and to be an atheist or agnostic. The right of an individual to propagate religion is accompanied by the right of others voluntarily and freely to convert to that faith. This is consistent with the citizen’s fundamental right to freedom of expression. Force and fraud are excluded by law and would be repugnant to any true evangelical effort.

No doubt, there has been crude mass conversion to Christianity in the past and possibly even “force and fraud” on occasions in more recent times. Any current default that violates the law should be proceeded against. If this is not done, it would be reasonable to infer that the allegations to this effect are merely propagandist. It must, however, be said that some revivalist churches and missions have been strident and insensitive in their attitude and approach to other faiths. This is to be deplored and, beyond a point, could be subject to restraint by law in the interest of public order.

People convert to another ideology, point of view or religion out of conviction. Indeed, this is the basis of democracy. In post-Independence India, conversion to Christianity has occurred for a variety of reasons. Personal conviction is the foremost factor. Religiously marginalised low caste Hindus have opted to change their faith to Buddhism (first under Ambedkar, but even more recently), to Islam (as at Meenakshipuram) or to Christianity. They are no longer prepared to accept caste discrimination or oppression or tolerate grudging acceptance at the bottom of the caste ladder at the end of a long, slow process of Sanskritisation. Conversion in such cases is seen as an egalitarian option. Even if this has not always worked to the full, it has nevertheless served as an emollient and a first step towards the constitutional ideal of fraternity and a life with dignity.

The social and economic condition of the Scheduled Castes remains very unsatisfactory and the Commissioner/Commission for Scheduled Castes and Tribes has been unable to accomplish very much. Parliament and successive governments have alike been indifferent. Political and economic reservations are by themselves insufficient and have largely been captured by the uppermost layers in both categories. Full citizenship is not a favour but an inherent and inalienable right. The Dalit movement has taken a more radical path, eschewing conversion but strongly asserting human rights within the community.

The Christian message of loving one’s neighbour has found expression in caring for suffering humanity in the face of the studied neglect or incapacity of the state or others who (politically) claim the wretched of the earth as their own. This spirit of service has taken missionaries where others do not deign to tread. Graham Staines, to name but one example, was found among the lepers in a backward part of Orissa because of the conspicuous absence of others. The example can be replicated in every part of India and in every sector wherever there is need for caring. This is no sinister, subversive plot, but a challenge especially to Hindu society to uplift its downtrodden and reform that which is outmoded and rotten. The State obviously has a major role to play; but this does not imply that society should merely stand by and watch. The ideals of social philanthropy (other than for individual salvation) are not sufficiently manifest. The Gandhian impulse has weakened.

The Northeast represents a special case. Tribal communities here have become Christian less on account of proselytisation than by osmosis. They have sought to differentiate themselves to maintain their identity in the ocean of Indian humanity in which they suddenly found themselves in 1947 after having been isolated in constitutionally-designated “excluded/partially excluded areas”. Conversion has also been an outcome of the process of modernisation and education for them. It is, however, noteworthy, that once tribal communities have grown in self-assurance, converts begin to search for their roots. This is true of the Seng Khasi movement in Meghalaya, of the Meities in Manipur and the Tipperas in Tripura.

Conversion is an escape for some (like migration to the West) and not a solution for the mass. It has also to some extent seen caste carried into the adopted faith. This apart, it is self-defeating for the Church to seek continuing reservation benefits for SC converts as a legacy of social deprivation. This does not end discrimination but merely mitigates it by transference to another social category. “Re-conversion” to Hinduism is equally a hollow political ritual, symbolising nothing. Conversion previously entailed an element of de-culturisation that was seen as de-nationalising, especially during the Raj. This is no longer so in the main, but needs conscious correction if and where it exists.

The SCs and the STs along with elements from among the OBCs constitute the bulk of those below the poverty line who suffer exploitation and want. The bonded, landless, share-croppers and other marginalised sections who depend on the commons are largely drawn from these categories. Agrarian reforms benefited some of the intermediate castes but were not pushed beyond a point. Vested interests intervened. The Naxalite movement in Bihar, Andhra and elsewhere is a product of aborted agrarian and social reform. Feudal oligarchies have coopted those whom they could no longer keep out politically. Thereafter, all these joined together to shut the door on the rest.

The law enforcement machinery was not used to implement the law in favour of equity and empowerment. On the contrary, it has been employed to prevent “disorder” and maintain peace by upholding the old established order and thwarting change. This continues. Those complaining of political instability should know that the country’s essential problem is excessive “stability” and too little change. Inertia, not “socialism”, is the most powerful force in India, not excluding the ranks of the Left (witness their fossilised trade unions which have become the enemies of labour and employment). Many constitutional promises remain unrealised for lack of political will which is itself a manifestation of the lack of social will.

The absence of a well thought out tribal policy represents another major weakness in the country’s social policy. India has the largest tribal population in the world — close to 80 million. Barring the Northeast, where tribal-majority states exist, the tribal condition is depressing. Official and even public attitudes have been uncaring or at best patronising, with reservations becoming a cover for neglect and exploitation. Most tribal communities live in the remoter plateau and upland interiors of Middle India, the Northeast and the Ghats to which they have gradually been confined. These residual tribal homelands contain the headwaters of most sub-Himalayan rivers, about 90 per cent of all the country’s mineral deposits and a large part of its remaining forests and bio-diversity. A modernising, industrialising and increasingly populous India is now inevitably making larger and larger drafts on these natural resources.

In the circumstances, the potential for conflict is obvious, especially as tribal communities gain political consciousness and begin to reach out to other “indigenous” peoples and the world at large. Indian tribal communities are not necessarily indigenous or more “indigenous” than those alongside whom they live. All citizens are equal, but weaker elements deserve a helping hand. What should cause concern is that some champions of tribal rights have misguidedly come to assert that they be left alone. There is much in the tribal way of life, their arts and crafts, customs and communitarian traditions that should be preserved and encouraged. Beyond this, romanticising the tribal condition is to put them in a time warp and condemn them to abjure opportunities that it should be theirs to enjoy if they so choose.

India’s tribes-people are awakening. They too need development — in a manner suited to their needs and genius. None of this need be in conflict with natural resource development in partnership with them. Unless this is done, Middle India is going to witness much avoidable strife and tension.

Dalit-tribal frustration with the status quo is manifest in the Bhopal Declaration on “charting a course for Dalits for the 21st Century” adopted in January, 2002, on the eve of the Durban Conference on discrimination and peace. This calls for negotiating “a new social consensus over redeeming the pledges of the Founding Fathers of the Republic to do justice to Dalits”.

(To be concluded)

The writer is Visiting Professor, Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi.

REALPOLITIK

Opposition’s bane is BJP’s gain
P. Raman

DRAWING analogy from cricket, Mr L.K. Advani asserts that the BJP draws its real strength from the inbuilt weakness of the Opposition. If any threat comes to the BJP, he told his colleagues at the recent party conclave in Delhi, it should come from its own ranks, its own actions. Mr Advani’s right diagnosis of the ills afflicting both his party and the Opposition should be a warning to both sides of the political spectrum.

The ruling party is under siege on all fronts. Its progress card for the past four years has been highly disappointing for every section of the people. It could not make its mark on any front. The economy remains in shambles. Despite the year-long costly border mobilisation, terrorist threat is on the rise. Scams and scandals have pushed the party’s stock to the lowest ebb. In the normal course, this is the ideal situation for the opposition to pounce on the ruling party.

As Advani has rightly pin-pointed, if one goes by the idiosyncrasies of the present opposition parties, it will not be difficult for the ruling party to tide over any such crisis. Including the next Lok Sabha polls. A high-ranking BJP minister, a strategist and meticulous planner, recently boasted to a group of newsmen that he could shape Mulayam Singh Yadav’s actions on any issue through one of his close aides. He did not leave any of us in doubt who this flamboyant person was. Such is the kind of hold the ruling party boasts it has within the opposition camp.

Several factors are responsible for the opposition’s total disarray. To begin with, the very distribution of the one-leader-based provincial parties which now dominate over half of India, is in BJP’s favour. To an extent, this itself highlights the BJP’s high level of flexibility – call it opportunism – to win over its secular allies. The one-leader outfits can be divided into two – those confining to their states and those with pan-Indian ambitions and hence nurse the dreams of themselves being the ‘prime ministerial stuff’.

In the first category are bulk of the parties like the DMK/AIADMK, the TDP, Biju Janata Dal, Akalis, the now submerged AGP, Laloo’s RJD, and even Mamata’s Trinamul. Barring some, they have little difficulty in accepting Atal Behari Vajpayee (or earlier I.K. Gujral and Dewe Gowda) as Prime Minister provided their local interests are safeguarded and their vote bank left undisturbed. For such parties, participation in a central coalition guarantees safety of their governments back at home and more and more concessions from the Centre.

Those in the second group are the two UP-based parties (BSP and Mulayam’s Samajwadi Party) and Sharad Pawar’s NCP. Leaders of these parties show high resistance to accepting any one else as Prime Minister. Two of them are now in the Opposition, and have remained the major hurdle in the way coordination. Jayalalitha and Mamata too have been recalcitrant at times but it was not on the issue of either the prime ministership or political poaching.

Prime ministerial “vision” is something which had always worked to split a coalition right from the Charan Singh days to Chandra Shekhar. This is going to be the biggest hurdle in forging an opposition alliance against the BJP. Even in the most unlikely event of an agreement on a Congress leader other than Sonia Gandhi, the ‘vision’ could be precipitated any time to break the arrangement and hoist another person. The ‘vision’ can also blind even the most realistic person to the fact that it is illogical to ignore the claims of the one who commands the support of 14 chief ministers. Thus instability is built into such an arrangement.

True, the pan-Indian designs of these outfits have remained by and large a fantasy. The BSP, the most widespread among them, has been on the decline except UP. At times, Mulayam Singh Yadav seemed to inspire those in Mumbai and places like Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. But his style of extending his brand franchise to any one outside UP with some money or muzzle clout itself has worked against his expansion. Hierarchy built on patronage can work only in areas where power is in sight. Not other places.

Even Laloo Prasad Yadav, who has uninterrupted sway over Bihar, belonged the first category. He too has similar problems with the Congress in Bihar but his support to the latter at the national level has been steady despite the fact that on some crucial occasions the party did not stand by Laloo Prasad Yadav. No party now considers Mulayam as politically trustworthy. His world view is confined to UP or certain groups within UP he hopes to win over. He had forged what then looked like a formidable front with Laloo. Within months, it had to be dismantled as the former refused to go along with the Congress at the national level.

The Left’s association with Mulayam began with his district-level anti-communalism rallies when he was the Chief Minister in JD. He had assured the Left leaders that he would extend his crucial support to V.P. Singh once he finishes with the kar seva showdown in UP. But he never kept his word. The People’s Front collapsed following a similar decision on the issue of opposing Kalam as president. His alliance with the BSP is an old story.

Possibly, the BJP alone can match him in the matter of shifting political positions to suit the momentary local expediencies. Two years back, Mulayam thought a Thakur-driven growth by projecting Amar Singh would help him win the polls. Big rallies were held but when the BJP hoisted Rajnath Singh as Chief Minister the whole plan evaporated. Then came another social engineering with Kalyan Singh. The problem is that serious national political parties cannot shift their plans to suit such transient needs.

Apart from Mulayam Singh Yadav and the NCP, the Congress also has its contributions to the present opposition disarray. If Sonia Gandhi was let down on her claims to the support of over 272 MPs, the blame should go both to her party’s insistance on a one-party rule and Mulayam’s provincial mindset. It is time the Congress will have to chose between heading a coalition at the centre and leaving the field for the BJP even after the next Lok Sabha polls. It has no other option.

With such big states as UP, Bihar, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, where the party has been in third or fourth position, the Pachmarhi resolution has become history. The Congress may add one or two more in next year’s polls. But it should also be prepared for losing some due to incumbency factors. As discussed in these columns earlier, the only option for the Congress is to compete with the BJP in coalitional management – even if it means political immorality – and adjust itself to deal with others in the Opposition.

Sadly for the party, it has not yet been able to open dialogue with those on its side, not to speak of the potential allies within the NDA. The index of opposition unity is such that even if the NDA fails to wrest a majority in the next elections, the BJP’s subtle management proficiency might enable it to mop up more groups. Advani has only highlighted this absolute truth – the Opposition bane is the BJP’s gain.