This pressure business
People may be the sovereign but the corporate sector is king in India.

Ban is not the answer
In the 1971 war, the Pakistan radio had aptly come to be known as Radio Jhootistan.

South African polls
The African National Congress did not disturb the pre-poll predictions by winning a handsome majority in the National Assembly and emerging as the leading party in the provincial assemblies.

by T.V. Rajeswar

‘Strategic triangle’ IDEA
Changing global security scenario
When Russian Prime Minister Primakov, regretfully replaced now, visited Delhi in December last year he spoke of a “strategic triangle” consisting of China, Russia and India in the interest of regional stability.

Reforms under scrutiny
by Arvind Bhandari
IN view of the upcoming battle at the hustings, this is the season for writing election manifestos.

Reeta Sharma

Tackling burning issues — her passion
FOR Professor Swarnjit Mehta teaching and learning “geography” has religiously remained a consistent and targeted passion. No other vocation, allurement or glamour of various fields have ever succeeded in diverting her attention unlike many a colleague of her’s at Panjab University.

by P.H. Vaishnav

Tricks of the trade
TEJAMOORTHALA VISWAKSENA KUMARGUPTA was a high ranking officer of the Government of India. He was on a strategic post in one of the economic ministries.

75 Years Ago

Sanitation and public cooperation
Sir, — It will be read with the feeling of great pleasure that, after all, our energetic and popular Health Officer has got the sanction of the worthy President to engage additional staff of sanitary inspectors.

This pressure business

People may be the sovereign but the corporate sector is king in India. Anyone who crosses its path pays a price as Mr Jagmohan has done with his involuntary exit from the high profile Communications Ministry. One thing though, he cannot say he was not warned, although as late as Tuesday morning he tended to dismiss reports about his transfer as motivated speculation. Mr Jagmohan was waging a running battle with certain corporate satraps which have contacts in very high places in politics. The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) has always shown keen interest in the dispute between the Department of Telecommunications (DoT) and the cellular phone licence holders. Earlier this year the PMO had intervened thrice to get the DoT-set deadlines postponed. The Minister grudgingly obliged but at the first opportunity he cancelled the licence of the two powerful industrial houses, provoking another round of litigation. Right now the Delhi High Court is hearing a petition challenging the power of the government to cancel the licence at a time when the new telecom policy is about to come into force.

The trouble over the licence fees started at the very start. The applicants hopelessly overestimated the scope of cellular business and quoted fancy figures as fees. When their calculations turned out to be disastrously wrong, they rushed the government for succour. It was at that time when Mr Jagmohan entered the Ministry and read the rule book to the licence holders. He insisted on a part payment of fee arrears, threatening to encash their bank guarantees. He would not agree to radically rewrite the agreement to replace licence fees with revenue sharing. A stickler for the letter of the law, the Minister also got into a tiff with the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) over its slashing of service charges. The upshot of it all was to dissipate the momentum the telephone sector had gathered in the mid-nineties. During the UF regime, the expansion went on its own steam and in the past year, first benign neglect and now an atmosphere of confrontation has stalled further progress.

The transfer of Mr Jagmohan has come at an awkward moment. The Attorney General has initiated steps to smooth out implementation of the new telecom policy. It would open the door to a revenue-sharing arrangement. That new provision can be made available to old licence holders too, without the DoT losing a lot of cash and without the private operators going out of business. But that is without reckoning with the obstructionist bureaucrats. They are alarmed at the steady erosion of their power; TRAI decides telephone rates and the private sector is menacingly closing in. It is the DoT babudom which repeatedly aggravated the situation by insisting on the Minister going by the letter of the contract. More than the Minister, the bureaucrats, all opposed to the relaxed mood, should be shown the door. As for the PMO, it has to tell the country more about its role and interest in the telecom business, before newspapers find another Mohan Guruswamy. The BJP-led alliance can do without a controversy in this election year.

Ban is not the answer

In the 1971 war, the Pakistan radio had aptly come to be known as Radio Jhootistan. While reporting the events connected with India, it would not only make mountains out of molehills but also manufacture molehills where there were none. The war ended but the attitude of its programme directors did not change. The Pakistan television followed in its footsteps, remaining committed to the Nazi tradition of repeating a lie till at least the captive audience started believing in it. Even in peacetime it would spew venom on India day in and day out. Some of those living in Pakistan who were forced to view the situation only through the PTV prism were duly conned but to all outsiders, including those in India, the whole amateurish attempt was only good for a laugh. Every news bulletin of theirs would begin with cock and bull stories about the India going to dogs. Small wonder that those visiting India were flabbergasted on finding that India was in much better health than their own country. This tendency got magnified after Pakistan’s misadventure in Kargil. PTV would speak of a mutiny by the Army here and the killing of thousands of jawans by the “freedom fighters” there. All this vicious propaganda was undesirable and irritating no doubt but banning the PTV telecast is just not the right response.

First of all, by imposing the ban on cable TV networks, India has given the telecast importance that it does not deserve at all. The Pakistan Information Minister, Mr Mushahid Hussain, has suddenly got the handle to say that the ban has proved that India cannot digest unpalatable truths about Kashmir in general and Kargil in particular and is bent upon keeping the Indian public ignorant about the actual situation there. Actually, the boot is on the other foot. Second, the ban has given rise to undue curiosity about the programmes and these may attract greater clandestine viewership than these would have ever hoped to have in the normal course. What must be realised is that the ban is only on the dissemination of programmes through cable networks. Those with private antennas can still receive them in the privacy of their homes. So why try to roll back the media explosion? The Indian public is mature enough to differentiate between facts and fiction and choose the former. And those who are committed enemies of the nation do not need the PTV trigger to continue with their subversive activities. In any case, the Pakistan radio is always there to provoke the gullible. What should have been realised is that the PTV telecasts are freely available in the sensitive areas of Punjab, Gujarat and Jammu and Kashmir even without the help of cable networks and stopping them is nearly impossible.

One far-reaching consequence of this ban at a time when the two countries are not even at war formally is that it might become a precedent for a future Information Minister to ban other channels like BBC or CNN just because these happen to be critical of the performance of his party. Given the animosity between India and Pakistan, a propaganda war cannot really be wished away. In fact, it is being fought constantly for the past five decades. Unfortunately, the State-run radio and TV of India have not proved equal to the task. Neither do they have transmitters of the requisite strength nor are their programmes attractive enough. They do not need to stoop to the level of their counterparts to neutralise the dirty propaganda. The desired results can be achieved by just being professional, because truth happens to be on their side. In this context, one fondly recalls war-time programmes like “Dhol ki Pol”, which turned the tables on Pakistan through their sheer brilliance. There is no reason why a similarly focused publicity offensive cannot be mounted at this stage.

South African polls

The African National Congress [ANC] did not disturb the pre-poll predictions by winning a handsome majority in the National Assembly and emerging as the leading party in the provincial assemblies. President Nelson Mandela,who has taken retirement from politics,must be a happy man for two reasons. One,the democratic process which he helped set in motion after the abolition of apartheid five years ago appears to be in fine health going by the peaceful conduct of the exercise in a country of amazing cultural and ethnic diversities.Two,the ANC which played a major role in fighting racial segregation and repression in South Africa continues to command such trust of the people as it did when Mr Mandela was the unquestioned leader of the party. Mr Thabo Mbeki, who will formally step into Mr Mandela's shoes as President of South Africa next week, on receiving the results quoted his favourite poet W.B.Yeats to ally fears that without Mr Mandela's towering presence " the centre cannot hold, things fall apart." Nevertheless,he would do himself ,the ANC and the country a world of good if he were to guard against those who may be more than happy to ensure that " the centre cannot hold" and that sooner than later "things" begin to "fall apart ".

Mr Mbeki should,among other things, dispel doubts in certain quarters that the ANC at some future date may follow the "African tradition" of perpetuating single party rule in South Africa. Of course, it is difficult to predict the future of a country which has just emerged from the shadows of apartheid rule. But the the dominant role of the ANC can be explained.The ANC had in very many respects modeled itself on the Indian National Congress. One Congress led the freedom movement in India while the other Congress launched a peaceful campaign against the policy of treating the black population as scum by the white rulers of South Africa. One party accomplished its mission of ending British rule in India in 1947 while the other party tasted success only five years ago. After Independence the Congress was virtually the only party with which the people in India were familiar. It took 20 years for the Congress to lose ground to other upcoming political formations for the first time in the State Assembly elections in 1967.Fifty years on the Congress is fighting for survival. Those who are uncomfortable with the political domination of the ANC should study the Indian model to understand that it takes times for a multi-party system to strike roots. And free South Africa, in a manner of speaking, was born only yesterday.

‘Strategic triangle’ IDEA
Changing global security scenario
by T.V. Rajeswar

When Russian Prime Minister Primakov, regretfully replaced now, visited Delhi in December last year he spoke of a “strategic triangle” consisting of China, Russia and India in the interest of regional stability. Mr Primakov came at a time when the USA and Britain had resumed the bombing of Iraq, bypassing the UN Security Council, and this had no doubt influenced the Russian thinking about the need to check the growing dominance of Western powers represented by NATO and led by the USA.

Explaining his concept, Mr Primakov said that the triangular partnership could provide greater stability not only in the region but also in the entire world. Commenting on Mr Primakov’s proposal, certain Western analysts had said that despite all the convergence of interests, the Asian traiangle appeared to be a difficult dream since India had a long history of tension with Pakistan as well as with China. Though China cold-shouldered the concept, it did not totally oppose it either. In India itself there was surprisingly very little discussion or debate on the idea.

The international scene has witnessed dramatic changes after NATO powers militarily intervened in Yugoslavia in March this year. Yugoslavia’s economy has been devastated and its overall condition is compared to what prevailed in 1945 at the end of World War-II. While sooner or later NATO bombing will stop, several other crucial issues have been thrown up by the recent events. At the fiftieth anniversary celebrations at Washington NATO leaders came out with a new strategic concept whereby the military alliance could intervene in “volatile regions” even beyond its jurisdiction. NATO’s intervention in Kosovo itself and its intensive bombing of Serb cities were without the UN authorisation. A new nuclear-oriented NATO doctrine was also put forth. It was affirmed that conventional forces alone could not ensure credible deterrence and nuclear weapons remained essential to preserving peace. NATO also declared that there would be no adherence to the “no-first-use” principle as it would tempt its adversaries to launch pre-emptive aggression against it. With this, the no-first-use principle in any country’s nuclear doctrine gets a permanent burial.

Russia has been exercising restraint, not by choice but forced by its dire economic crisis. Under pressure from the Duma and army Generals Russia had announced that it was revising its military doctrine to face the new threat emanating from NATO’s intervention in Yugoslavia. Plans for dismantling a certain number of Soviet missiles have been abandoned, and the development of advanced nuclear weapons authorised. President Yeltsin declared that the entire technological chain of the nuclear weapons complex — from the scientific research in the field of nuclear weapons to carrying out of nuclear tests, to the production of such weapons — would be taken up. These unexpected developments in the Russian defence doctrine, in response to NATO’s intervention in Yugoslavia and its subsequent announcement of a new aggressive defence philosophy for NATO seem to have ended any hope of universal nuclear disarmament in the forseeable future. Thereby within a period of two months, at the turn of the second millennium, the NATO powers, led by the USA, have drastically changed the strategic climate not only in Europe but also the whole world.

President Clinton has since put forth the Theatre Missile Defence system which is intended to throw a protective shield around America’s East Asian allies through the development of a series of spy satellites and missiles. Japan plays a crucial role in this scheme and it has now abandoned its pacifist role in Asia, forced upon it by the USA at the end of World War-II. The Japanese military has now been authorised to play an active role in assisting US forces deployed in the region. The other Asian allies are Australia, the Philippines and Singapore.

Having watched these alarming developments, China has quickly changed its stance towards India. Its ambassador in Delhi, who was critical of India last year after he had just arrived, recently appeared before a well-known TV network advocating increased cooperation between the two countries. The Joint Commission led by Foreign Secretary Raghunath had useful and very friendly discussions at Beijing. A former Chinese ambassador to India hinted that the long-standing irritant of China not recognising Sikkim as part of India would be resolved to India’s satisfaction and that India should consider opening the historic trade-route across Nathu La. All these developments are significant and hold prospects of better cooperation between India and China.

In Russia itself the power struggle at the top resulted in Mr Yeltsin appointing a loyalist, former Interior Minister Stepashin, as Prime Minister. Mr Yeltsin’s special envoy Chernomyrdin’s efforts on Kosovo had earlier been ignored by NATO but now they seem to be heading for a successful outcome. Russia’s status as the second largest nuclear power in the world cannot be overlooked. Mr Primakov’s strategic triangle concept was recently reiterated by Russia’s Deputy Head of the presidential administration, Mr Sergei Prikhodko. Neither Russia nor China can forget that they have large ethnic minorities, mostly Muslims, in the far-flung regions of their respective countries. Russia would not like to have another Chechnya crisis nor China a repetition of what happened in its Uighur-dominated Xinjiang region. In short, the problems facing Russia, China and India in some respects, especially in the matter of border regions inhabited by ethnic and religious minorities, are common.

After eight rounds of talks between Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh and the American Deputy Secretary of State Talbott, the negotiations have not made any worthwhile progress. The question of signing the CTBT by September is meaningless because of the elections. Signing of the CTBT or any other treaty pertaining to fissile material or missile production and deployment etc, has to be reviewed afresh in the wake of the NATO nuclear doctrine, the Theatre Missile Defence system announced by the Americans, and the Russian announcement of a revised nuclear programme. The extensive use of cruise missiles in Yugoslavia has also added a new dimension to the doctrine of war, with the indispensability of missile technology both for tactical and strategic use having been clearly demonstrated. India has been trying to come out with its nuclear doctrine in the near future but it would certainly call for extensive rethinking and revision in the light of the recent developments.

After India carried out the Pokhran-II tests, the U S attitude has been totally negative to the extent of wanting to condemn India more or less permanently to the status of a non-nuclear power. The USA is not prepared to concede India a credible nuclear deterrence programme, combined with an improvement in and the deployment of missiles. In the context of all these major developments in the West and the East, the Primakov concept of “strategic triangle” assumes special significance. During Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh’s recent visit to Moscow he was assured of Russia’s keenness in promoting a “strategic partnership” with India. Russia’s Security Council chief Vladimir Putin announced that a document on strategic partnership with India would be finalised by the end of the year. These are positive developments, and hopefully they will fructify without any hitch.

The Pakistani adventure in the Kargil sector and the determined efforts of India’s armed forces to throw back the intruders and secure the heights on the Indian side of the LoC are escalating into a serious conflict. It has all the potential of becoming a local war but wars do not remain localised for long. If Pakistan opens new fronts somewhere on the Rajouri-Poonch sector, the situation will get further aggravated. In the background of this potentially dangerous scenario, India has to seriously consider ways and means of securing its long-term strategic security interests. The “strategic triangle” concept holds considerable promise in this direction in the forseeable future.

Reforms under scrutiny
by Arvind Bhandari

IN view of the upcoming battle at the hustings, this is the season for writing election manifestos. A major issue on the economic policy front is whether the country should continue on the path of liberalisation and deregulation, or there should be reversal to a regime of preponderant state intervention.

Votaries of liberalisation, who are in majority, argue that the reforms initiated in 1991 have freed the country from a moribund “Hindu rate of growth” and stimulated the economy. The sceptics, most of whom belong to the left of the political spectrum, contend that the liberalising reforms have not ameliorated the condition of the poor.

It is thought-provoking that the World Bank has come out with a poverty update which seems to justify the contention of the sceptics. Referring to India, the Bank says: “Preliminary evidence through 1977 shows increases in the number of both the rural poor (from 224 million in the early 1990s to 250 million in the mid-1990s) and the urban poor (from 72 to 73 million) in the post-reform experience”.

Two points are noteworthy. One, the increase in the number of India’s poor is largely ascribable to rapid growth in the country’s population. Two, the “trickle down effect” of economic growth in a liberalised economy takes time to percolate to the grassroots level. In the initial stages the well-off sections of the population derive more benefit because they have greater competitive ability than the underprivileged people.

Therefore, it is absolutely essential that a policy of economic liberalisation should be accompanied by what is called a safety net for the poor. Safety net means that in a liberalised milieu the government does not abandon the poor to the mercies of a free market but, on the contrary, dutifully takes specific measures to provide the poor with their essential needs.

The Indian government, while injecting doses of liberalisation into the economy, has failed miserably to provide a safety net for the poor. The public distribution system, which benefits the rich more than the poor, is a long-standing fraud. Implementation of the various anti-poverty schemes is riddled with inefficiency and corruption. Reliable estimates point out that only 15 paise out of every rupee spent reach the poor. If the country is to persist with liberalisation, the powers that be must realise that it is their altruistic duty to put in place a proper safety net for the poor.

In his budget speech the Union Finance Minister, Mr Yashwant Sinha, declared that the time had come for a “second generation of reforms”. The Union Finance Secretary, Dr Vijay Kelkar, has picked up the thread and spoken about the “second wave”. The National Council of Applied Economic Research and the Confederation of Indian Industry have produced papers, the latter having sent its magnum opus to 22 political parties. Below are some of the reforms being discussed in the national capital:

(1) Parliament should enact a fiscal responsibility Act limiting the revenue and budget deficits and safeguarding the economy from falling into a debt trap.

(2) The Centre and the states should increase user charges for electricity, water and public transport. This is easier said than done. Several states, notably Punjab and Haryana, give heavy concessions in respect of electricity and water to keep the farm lobby happy. Various attempts to increase the charges have resulted in violence and arson by farmers.

(3) The entire public sector, barring enterprises in such strategic areas as atomic energy, space and defence production, should be privatised. The CII would like to have a disinvestment target of Rs 15000 crore per annum up to 2001 and Rs 25000 crore thereafter. The unions and the Left parties are totally opposed to privatisation.

(4) No investment proposal should need more than 10 approvals at the central and state levels, a process to be completed within 90 days. Transparent laws and procedures must be introduced to attract $ 10 billion of foreign direct investment in 2000-2001, rising to $ 15 billion by 2000-2003.

(5) The Reserve Bank of India should be given more autonomy of the kind enjoyed by the US Federal Reserve and the Deutsch Bundesbank.

(6) Administrative reforms should be ushered in. The Gujral-led United Front government succumbed to the blackmail of unions and triggered a countrywide chain reaction which resulted in the doubling of the salaries of government employees. But it was too pusillanimous to attempt reforms.

Tricks of the trade
by P.H. Vaishnav

TEJAMOORTHALA VISWAKSENA KUMARGUPTA was a high ranking officer of the Government of India. He was on a strategic post in one of the economic ministries. Plenty of foreign travel, negotiations with foreign delegations and the accompanying publicity in the media when agreements are signed, a certain diplomatic environment of parties and high life and above all the eventual prospect of landing a job on a fabulous salary and pension, both tax free, in an international organisation, have made these jobs attractive, though it takes a lot of doing to get them.

TVK was thoroughly enjoying his job and never forgot to offer coconuts at the temple of Lord Venkateswara in grateful acknowledgement of his divine grace and blessings which gave him an edge over his ambitious rivals in a closely contested rat race.

He was heading the Indian delegation that negotiated a big deal with his opposite number from another country on a visit to India. After three days of skilful negotiations, it gave him immense satisfaction to sign a comprehensive and well-drafted agreement that both the “high contracting parties” felt to be mutually advantageous. The ambassador of that country in India then hosted a return dinner for the Indian counterparts. It was a memorable party where the choicest of drinks and snacks were served. Conversation flowed freely as did the smooth wines. It was not a stag party, for the wives of the embassy staff were hostesses with their husbands led by the ambassador and greatly enjoyed meeting the wives of the Indian guests. It was a relaxed evening and people were not conscious of the time that was going by. The dinner was a banquet at which there was much toasting. And finally like all good things the party came to an end. Their Excellencies stood by the door with folded hands in a true namaste gesture as the guests passed by. “We are very glad that you were able to come”, Their Excellencies told each guest and handed over a little gift parcel wrapped in attractive gift paper. Tejamoorthala and his wife Bhanumathigaru also received one such gift. They thanked Their Excellencies who graciously saw them off to their car.

Bhanumathigaru controlled her curiosity about the gift until she got home. Tejamoorthala sat in the drawing room as Bhanumathigaru went into the bedroom to change. But before that, she opened the gift box and screamed as if a cobra had shot up to spit a blinding venom into her eyes. Tejamoorthala rushed to the room. The box contained Rs 5634 in cash. The shocked Tejamoorthala rang up his boss.

Next morning a representative of the ambassador was called over to his boss’s office, courtesy the Ministry of External Affairs. Before the meeting began, the ever suspicious Vigilance Officer was speculating to himself that Tejamoorthala must have received a much larger amount but must have kept for himself the greater part of it. He was turning in a smaller amount to avoid suspicion and pass for a man of integrity. After all, the other members of the Indian side had received small routine gifts. But like others, he could not explain the precise figure of Rs 5634. He did not express his thoughts to others but remained convinced that it was a bribe as in those days such an amount was too large to be an innocent gift.

TVK was saying his silent prayers to Lord Venkateswara asking for his divine grace to see him out of this embarrassment. He decided that he would send more coconuts to the Lord’s temple once he was out of this nuisance. For a while he also felt that jobs in economic ministries were risky. He kept his fingers crossed till the ambassador’s representative gave his explanation.

His Excellency’s representative when asked to explain this precise amount stunned everybody with his candour. The explanation was simple. They wanted to give a good gift without imposing any particular gift article. And so they calculated the value of the gift in their currency, converted it into dollars which when converted into rupees came to Rs 5634. Nevertheless, he apologised profusely if this had conveyed an impression of bribery. And then with genuine curiosity, he asked TVK’s boss how else did they do business for India.

Reeta Sharma
Tackling burning issues — her passion

FOR Professor Swarnjit Mehta teaching and learning “geography” has religiously remained a consistent and targeted passion. No other vocation, allurement or glamour of various fields have ever succeeded in diverting her attention unlike many a colleague of her’s at Panjab University. The net result is her respectful image among her students, publication of three books, four major research projects completed and 30 highly rated research papers published and dozens of paper presented at seminars.

The learned professor’s specialisation in geography has been “Population”. Some of her outstanding research papers dealt with subjects like, “India’s rural female working force: a geographical analysis”, “Patterns of migration in Bist Doab”, “Female participation in agricultural labour in India”, “Rural-urban differentials in sex ratio of Rajasthan”, “Migration of scheduled caste population in rural Bist Doab”, “Political economy of population growth in India”, “Population and development linkages”, “Geography as a social science” and “Population geography in India” etc. Currently she is busy with her research on “Philosophy and methodology in Geography”.

Unassuming, soft-spoken and an epitome of simplicity, Swarnjit Mehta is a person concerned with burning issues faced by our society. Her perceptions are not restricted to immediate repercussions but on a much wider canvas with convincing reasoning and logic. She is fortright in expressing her views mostly based on deep study, wide exposure and experience with a marked clarity of thought. In conversation with her on certain significant issues faced by all of us in these times:

Q: As population geography is your specialisation, how do you view the alarming population explosion faced by our country?

A: I am not alarmed about the population explosion. This rapid increase in population is primarily due to poverty and ignorance. The moment we begin making concerted efforts in removing ignorance and poverty, the issue of population explosion will gradually settle down. All this noise about the ever increasing population of India will die its natural death if we pay attention to more serious issues like poverty, unemployment, uneducation, regional differences and land-reforms etc. I strongly believe that development is the best contraceptive for controlling population increase.

Q: But from where should the line of control begin?

A: Not from family planning but from making people literate. More than half of our population is still illiterate and we must begin serious efforts to first educate people. Ignorance is the mother of all ills which leads to enormous problems be it an individual or society. Family planning does have a role to play in controlling population but not by imposition but by motivation. And masses can easily be motivated on a large scale if they are literate. These all are inter-related issues. For instance, getting education does not ensure employment. But the first barrier has to be broken. Education removes ignorance which further opens many a closed door.

Q: But China, much larger than us, has successfully controlled the population through stringent laws?

A: Their stringent measures like, one child norm, came to be imposed in the early eighties. But they began making their population literate in the fifties. So by the time by imposed strict laws people were educated enough to accept them. As compared to China in literacy campaign we are far behind.

Q: After 50 years of Independence, how do you view the progress of Indian women today?

A: There is a change alright but the pace is very slow. However, we should not expect revolutionary changes. Indian society is ridden with orthodox attitudes, conservatives and feudalistic views towards women, which cannot be reversed in 50 years. There is a dent in them and you do witness women growing but there is no idealistic approach towards it.

Q: Why there is a touch of sorrow in your reply while there surely is far greater visibility today of women as equals in various fields, which was so rare 50 years ago?

A: That is because we are also faced with a naked truth that even between women and women there does exist so much inequality. Women from the families of scheduled castes, backward classes, poor and rural area are in far more disadvantageous position than women from affluent classes, upper castes and educated families. Women from the former class are not only denied equal opportunities but also have to face brutal atrocities, viciousness of society and much harder life. So the progress of women that we view in urban India is only marginal because 70 per cent of Indian women still live in villages.

Q: How do you view the role of patriarchal society of our country?

A: Patriarchal society has permeated both advantages as well as disadvantages. While it blocked the individualistic personality growth of women to a larger extent, it also provided relief and protection to women. We must not forget that in a patriarchal society men are far more burdened with loads of responsibility, stress and strain of life than women. The man not only has to provide for his immediate family but also bear the load of the responsibilities towards other relations, (like sisters, brothers), expectations of society besides facing the hardness of the outside world. Working women of today will understand and relate to this ethos very well.

Q: Do you think that there is an onslaught of Western culture on our younger generation today?

A: I do not regard it as an onslaught but influence to some extent — yes. But that is also because they are no more being groomed to take pride in their own culture. Also that not everything about our traditions and culture is admirable. For instance, what is there to be proud of about abnoxiously prevalant casteism in our culture? Then we also suffer from a tendency to glorify our past and over-rate our history. There are many chapters of our past and history which should be out-rightly condemned. Only objective rating can convince younger generation about all this because their exposure is far wider than that of us. India today is bitten by the bug of consumerism, which certainly is alien to our culture.

75 YEARS AGO
Sanitation and public cooperation
{To the Editor, “Tribune”, Lahore}

Sir, — It will be read with the feeling of great pleasure that, after all, our energetic and popular Health Officer has got the sanction of the worthy President to engage additional staff of sanitary inspectors. But I should like to say that the sanitation of the town could only be maintained by the cooperation of the public, no matter how big and efficient the staff might be.

I am prompted to suggest the following after having gone round the streets of the town:—

In the first place, the people should not keep such animals as cows, buffaloes, and horses on the lowermost storey of their residential quarters or on the public streets as they are a great source of insanitation.

Now, I may inform the public that such places are always infected first during any epidemic. The best remedy would be to remove the Gujjars outside the town. But this cannot be done without the help of the legislature.

The moment such proposals are made here there is a great hue and cry from every quarter of the town, some bringing in communal questions and others religious. Now, what can the health department do under such circumstances? — LRP (Lahore)