P A G E
Tuesday, July 6, 1999
today's calendar
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E D I T O R I A L P A G E |
Tuesday, July 6, 1999 |
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Donations
are sacred
LEGISLATURE
& JUDICIARY |
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Poll
scene still hazy
BBC
denies blame for child deaths
Bits
of history in my album
A welcome step |
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Donations are sacred EVERY meeting organised to pay tributes to those who attain martyrdom in a battle turns tearful. To lose a defender of the nation's honour is to lose much more than a limb in an accident, or a factory in a fire. The death of a soldier is soul-searing because it means a cruel (or cunning) blow at nationalism, freedom and sovereignty. The martyr becomes a part of a saga of the supreme sacrifice. His companion, the maimed man who is taken to a life-saving centre with grievous injuries, enters the roll of honour prepared to perpetuate bravery. Fighters in both categories are equally memorable. They knew what they were fighting for. Their commanders gave them orders to move; their family members had done so earlier. After success succeeds success and stocktaking begins, individual names come up for homage. Commanders begin to assess losses—material and human. Families look around for solace and assistance. Prayer meetings are held. Relief funds are opened. Contribution pours in from strange quarters—from business houses which guard every paisa of profit with Shylock-like shrewdness, and from beggars who deposit the daily collections in their bowls into the nearest "Sahayata Kosha". Giving becomes a greater source of pride than acquiring. The Tribune has dedicated its columns to thanking the donors who have overwhelmingly decided to make it a channel to carry their contribution to the indubitably dependable receiving agency: The Army Central Welfare Fund. This institution is doing its duty. Other institutions are acting according to their own tradition and ethos. Delhi's Vigyan Bhavan
was the venue on Sunday for unfolding the process of
offering tributes. Distinguished soldiers, businessmen
and others were in attendance. It was a solemn occasion.
But did one see something other than the helpline and
moist eyes? Yes, one did. There were war widows who had
not got the help promised earlier. There were old parents
who suppressed their agony and murmured: "Well, he
is gone.... They said they would help. They did not....
Perhaps, they could not...." Who were or are those
"they"? They were or are from among
us—officers, charity-fund-organisers, vocally
concerned social workers.... It became clear that
"relief" does come in time but, often, it is
not transmitted to them for whom it is meant. Members of
several families were honoured with pieces of paper
bearing laudation but the "funds" did not flow
to them. Someone somewhere bungled in greed. The martyrs'
memories alone remained with their poor kin. They might
have escaped privation and starvation if the assistance
meant for them would have reached them. The present drive
for relief has thrown up a warning signal. "Donate
generously for the jawan" is a beautiful slogan but
the appeal must be followed by honest and timely
fund-management. Every donated rupee should be accounted
for . The Tribune's voluntary service is a foolproof
activity. Privately instituted "koshas" should
be subjected to transparent and meaningful internal
audit. The fallen have left us free. Let us see to it
that their dependants get what is being offered
spontaneously and respectfully by individuals and
institutions. Public spirit calls for caution. |
Historic triumph ON a day when military action in Kargil was at its fiercest, the victory of Leander Paes and Mahesh Bhupathi in the Wimbledon doubles final did not get the kind of coverage that it should normally have but the triumph was no less exhilarating as the capture of Tiger Hill. After all, this was the first time in history that an Indian pair had reached the final of the Wimbledon. And when they actually claimed the crown subduing eighth seed Dutch-American combination of Paul Haaruis and Jared Palmer, it was nothing short of a “believe it or not” feat. It would have indeed been considered in the realm of the dreams even last year. But in this period, the golden pair has chalked out such stupendous victories, including the French Open doubles title, that very many tennis fans in India have set about scratching the word “impossible” from their dictionaries emulating Napoleon. Besides proving that Indians do have that hunger for victory, Paes and Bhupathi have also demonstrated that they have it in them to stand up to the pressure of the most gruelling kind. The road to the Wimbledon final was dotted with impossible hurdles all the way. The previous two rounds were won through marathon five-setters. And the final clash was itself a razor’s edge one, although the eighth ranking of the challengers does not fully reflect it. The Indian pair lost the first set giving many in India the jitters but Paes and Bhupathi came back strongly to lift the spirits of the whole nation. It is but natural that
this stupendous triumph will rekindle interest in tennis
in India. That is how it should be. Cricket has become
all-consuming here to the exclusion of most other sports.
It is ironical that while the cricketing boys have
returned from the World Cup with their self-respect
barely intact, the tennis duo has brought laurels like
never before. So incredulous was the nation about their
exploits that even when they won the French Open, there
were not the commensurate fireworks. In fact, when the
victors were asked what kind of jubilation the crown will
cause in India, they replied that they will be lucky to
get headlines amidst the World Cup fever. Now they have
proved that the victory was no flash in the pan and they
can now scale other peaks as well. After all, Wimbledon
is considered The Title to win. The pressure will be
great. Paes himself analysed that till now they entered
the arena as underdogs. Now they will be there as top
dogs. One hopes that the winning streak will continue for
a long time to come. While they hone their skills
further, the nation will do well to get busy with
grooming a hundred other potential Paes and Bhupathis.
Only then can the world-beating streak continue. The
victories ought to come because of the system and not
despite it. |
Bofors proves a point KARGIL has already produced a runaway winner: the Bofors gun. The howitzer has proved to be a deadly weapon to destroy bunkers and disperse massed troops. The Army has released a telling picture of a huge pile of shell casings with a note saying that on one night the Bofors guns fired between 3000 and 4000 shells to drive out intruders from two hills. The emergence of the gun as the front-ranking weapon has its flip side. The blacklisting of the Swedish company way back in 1989 and now the frantic calls to it to resume supplies of spare-parts and ammunition have exposed political myopia in this country for well over a decade. Everyone knew then as everyone knows now that the gun is technically near perfect and the claims of the manufacturers about its utility in all conditions are not hollow. Yet this country banned not only the purchase of spares and ammunition but also unilaterally gave up the right to produce the weapon locally. What is most intriguing is that India had earlier forced the Bofors company to commit itself to license production here and paid a hefty fee to boot. But the kickback controversy, a shocking ethical lapse on the part of some prominent men, so blinded the political parties and leaders that the gun was punished while the guilty men are yet to be identified, much less punished. Bofors is one instance of political oneupmanship making nonsense of commonsense. During all these years, the Army was asked to somehow manage by cannibalising or procuring substandard spares and ammunition meant for other 155-mm guns, as from Austria. It was not a successful attempt and it is in a bit of a desperate situation that India accepted with alacrity the Bofors offer to restart supplies. While India has cleared
all obstacles from its side, the holding company of
Bofors, Celcius, may face some difficulty in shipping the
urgently needed spares and ammunition. While the old
contract signed in the eighties is still legally valid,
an old Swedish law may stand in the way. It prohibits
sale of military related products to countries in war or
war-like situation. A top Celcius spokesman has
categorically stated that the contract obligation will
override the law and hence the company is going ahead
with preparations for exporting the spares and shells.
But an official of the Inspectorate of Strategic Products
is making unfriendly noises and has made it clear that an
export licence is necessary and it may not be easy for
his department to issue one in the face of stiff
opposition by peace groups. In fact, a peace movement
leader has already sought a ban on export to India,
saying it would lead to a major armed conflict. Heaven
forbid, but if an export ban were to disrupt the supply,
it would be entirely because of the blunders and narrow
vision of the political leaders in this country. |
LEGISLATURE & JUDICIARY THE relationship between the legislature and the judiciary has often been the subject matter of a debate. It will get into focus once again when the Speakers of the Lok Sabha and the state legislatures deliberate in Chennai on July 10-11. The provocation for this “special conference” apparently seems to be the happenings in March last in the Tamil Nadu Assembly which led to a writ petition in the Madras High Court. As reported in the media, it all started when the assembly was debating the Budget. Some statements were made by an Opposition member, Mr Karuppasamy (AIADMK), on the law and order situation in the state and police inaction, which was objected to by the Treasury Benches describing them as “unfounded” allegations. More heat got generated and the ADMK floor leader, Mr R. Thamaraikkani, sitting just opposite the Minister of Agriculture, Mr V.S. Arumugham, “hit on the hand of the minister forcefully” and also on his face. The minister was found wiping out blood from his broken nose. The Speaker ordered the sergeant of the House to escort the two erring members — Mr K. Karuppasamy and Mr Thamaraikkani — out of the House. The Health and Electricity Minister moved a motion that “both members should be barred from the service of the House for the remainder of the session”, which after some discussion was passed unanimously. Before the House rose for the day, the Speaker ordered, “... the arrest of Thiru Thamaraikkani and his detention for the gruesome act....” Later the Speaker issued warrants directing the police to arrest the member, and to the jail authorities to keep him in jail for a period of one week. Next day the Speaker held further consultations with the leaders of different parties, and the House, after having been informed of these developments, adopted the following motion moved by the leader of the House. “The Leader of the AIADMK, Legislature Party, Thiru R. Thamaraikkani, MLA, has become liable for a breach of privilege and also for action under the Indian Penal Code for assaulting and causing grievous injury to Thiru Veerapandi S. Arumugham, Hon Minister for Agriculture. However, considering the dignity of the House, the House resolves to condemn his action and award a simple imprisonment of 15 days to him.” Accordingly, the Speaker issued a warrant of commitment for the imprisonment of Mr Thamaraikkani which in its operative part stated: “...I, P.T.R. Palanived Rajan, Speaker, Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly, direct that the said Thiru R. Thamaraikkani has committed a breach of privilege and contempt of the House and, therefore, he be kept in prison to undergo simple imprisonment for 15 days from the date of his production in the Central Prison, Chennai, in supersession of my direction dated 22.3.1999 at Chennai. The above order is without prejudice to any other punishment under the law....” In the meantime, the member filed a habeas corpus petition in the High Court of Madras which ordered his release. The Speaker then issued on March 24, 1999, a fresh order warrant of arrest directing the Police Commissioner to arrest the member and produce him before the Superintendent, Central Prison, Chennai. The member was accordingly arrested and detained in the Central Prison. However, the High Court by a fresh order ordered the release of the member against a personal bond. The case is still pending disposal in the Madras High Court. Since the case is sub judice, it may not be proper to discuss in this article the correctness or otherwise of the action taken by the Speaker or the Assembly of Tamil Nadu for the contempt of the House, or of the orders of the Madras High Court. However, it may be relevant to state the main principles governing the parliamentary privileges and their application in the functioning of legislatures. The most important principle to remember is that the parliamentary privileges of the House and its committees collectively and of its members individually, whether it is the freedom of speech or the freedom to perform their other constitutional duties without let or hindrance, are the constitutional guarantees (article 105 and 194) with the objective of safeguarding the independence, authority and dignity of Parliament and the state legislatures. It is again to uphold their prestige and dignity that the legislatures possess the power to punish for their contempt or breach of privilege. This power, described as the “keystone of parliamentary privilege”, is akin in nature and owes its origin to the powers possessed by the courts of law to punish for contempt. Without such a power the House “would sink into utter contempt and inefficiency”. Any act of commission or omission which obstructs or impedes the legislature in the performance of its functions or which has a tendency directly or indirectly to produce such results falls within the ambit of the contempt of the House. And if the person committing contempt is a member of the House itself, it adds to the gravity of the offence. The House has the power to commit the offender to custody or prison, and if the offender is a member of the House, to suspend or expel him from the service of the House. It is to be noted that the power to punish for contempt or breach of privilege is exercisable by the House in accordance with the established procedure, and the quantum of punishment also has to be determined according to the gravity of the offence. This power does not vest in the Speaker. Yet another important principle is that matters relating to parliamentary privileges should be considered rising above narrow party affiliations with the sole objective of safeguarding the prestige, dignity and authority of the House. In 1978, “the House of Commons (of the UK) resolved to exercise its penal jurisdiction as sparingly as possible, and only when satisfied that it was essential to do so.” In the past, more than 50 years since Independence, there have been any number of cases taken to the courts and on many occasions the judges took a view different from the decision of the legislature, but a flashpoint, hardly ever reached, both legislature and the judiciary appreciating the role and position of each other. Judicial pronouncements in various cases, including the opinion given in the Presidential reference to the Supreme Court under Article 143 in 1964 as also the resolutions adopted by the Speakers Conference, reflected a wide field of agreement on the nature and principles of privileges of the Houses of Parliament and state legislatures as provided in the Constitution, reiterating the need to balance the privileges and the fundamental rights of citizens. A Committee of Speakers appointed by the Speakers Conference in 1993 under the chairmanship of the West Bengal Speaker, Mr Hashim Abdul Halim, to suggest measures to promote harmonious relations between the legislature and the judiciary made some valuable observations. The committee identified four main zones of conflict between the legislature and the judiciary: (a) Existence, extent and scope of parliamentary privileges and power of legislatures to punish the contempt; (b) interference in the proceedings of Parliament legislatures; (c) decisions given by the presiding officers of legislatures under the anti defection law, and (d) decision given by the presiding officers of legislatures in the administration of their secretariats. After analysing the constitutional and legal position in entirety, the committee noted, “Legislative bodies in India are created and bound by a written Constitution which inter alia guarantees the Fundamental Rights of individuals and defines the spheres of activities of other organs of the State, including that of the judiciary with its power of judicial review”. The Committee further observed, “... the Constitution has allotted specific duties and responsibilities to the legislature and the judiciary, and their roles are intended to be complementary to each other. It would, therefore, be in the best interests of democracy in the country if both function with matual trust and respect, each recognising the independence, dignity and jurisdiction of the other.” As to the proceedings of the House, the committee very aptly observed, “By and large, the courts in India have recognised the immunity of parliamentary legislative proceedings being called in question in the court of law on the ground of alleged irregularity of procedure. However, if the procedure is beyond the competence of the legislature, the courts may have jurisdiction in the matter.” In respect of decisions of Speakers (and Chairmen) under the anti-defection law, the committee noted the presiding officers’ consensus to respect the judgement of the Supreme Court in the Kihota Hallohan vs Zachithu and others, upholding the validity of the Tenth Schedule but declaring its para 7 as invalid which took away the court’s power of judicial review. The committee suggested different options for amending the law to avoid any confrontational situation between the legislature and the judiciary. In the administration of the legislature secretariats, the committee accepted the justiciability of such matters adding the general view that the “presiding officers may not be made to appear personally before the court.” The above discussion makes it amply clear that both the legislatures and the courts, learning from past experience, are to observe “Lakshman Rekha” to avoid any conflict or confrontational situation. The real issue of grave concern and supreme importance today, demanding introspection and serious debate, is the growing tendency among our legislators to frequently use intemperate language and by their indecorous behaviour stall the proceedings of the House. As if this is not enough, of late, they have unabashedly started physical assaults on fellow legislators. They also indulge in other criminal acts in the House, rendering them guilty of gross contempt of their own House, they indulge in cognisable offences punishable under the Indian Penal Code. As chosen representatives of the people holding public trust, they are under obligation to maintain the prestige and dignity of the House to which they are sent by the people to debate people’s problems, which are enormous and help in raising the level of governance to the benefit of their constituents, the state and the country. For the legislatures to function purposefully and effectively, there is need for civilised behaviour on the part of their members. By not caring for it, for whatever reason, they render themselves liable not only for public ridicule and contempt but also cause severe damage to the democratic set-up of the country. The incidents of violence in the Tamil Nadu Assembly or in other legislatures are the examples of the depth to which the standard of behaviour of our legislators has fallen. If the Speakers meeting in Chennai could choose to address this real issue, their deliberations would be more purposeful. (The author is a
former Secretary-General of the Lok Sabha) |
Plaudits for India IF there is one welcome fallout from the Kargil crisis, it is that there is a definite shift in the perception of the international community on the Kashmir issue. A review of recent writings and comments in the international media by government leaders, senior officials and experts on South Asia on the Pakistani military intrusion into Indian territory reveals appreciation of India’s measured response and endorsement of the Indian stand that Kashmir is a bilateral issue and does not merit international intervention or mediation. Perhaps the most significant development in Washington from New Delhi’s point of view is the rejection by a congressional panel on international relations of the Pakistani demand for a plebiscite under United Nations auspices in Jammu and Kashmir. India has reason to feel gratified over the recognition by the international community of its limited military response in the face of the unwarranted provocation of armed aggression by the Pakistani army and its surrogates. Several US Congressmen have praised the “amazing restraint” shown by India over the Kargil crisis. In Canberra, the Australian Foreign Minister, Mr Downer, has also joined in this commendation. Time magazine noted last week that India has won international support for its concern not to widen the military conflict. “New Delhi has not received such plaudits in years, especially from Washington”, the American weekly said. On Capitol Hill in Washington, a leading member of the House International Relations Committee and Co-Chairman of the Congressional Caucus on India and Indian Americans, Mr Gary Ackerman, has emphasised the fact that both India and Pakistan had agreed to resolve all their disputes under the framework of the Simla Agreement of 1972. On Thursday last, before the Congressional panel approved his amendment by 22 votes to five, urging the Clinton administration to oppose loans from international financial institutions to Pakistan unless it withdrew its forces from the conflict area in Jammu and Kashmir, Mr Ackerman forcefully argued against internationalising the Kashmir issue. In his speech, the New York Congressman said: “This is India’s first television war. Images of body bags carrying fallen Indian soldiers on the Himalayan heights are filling the TV screens. Widows and mothers, as we know, are powerful societal forces. Many voices are loudly calling on the Vajpayee government to “teach” the Pakistanis a lesson.” Mr Ackerman added: “Despite these raw emotions churning the democratic nation of nearly a billion people, despite India having every justification to strike back against Pakistan in a full-scale manner, the Vajpayee administration has displayed herculean restraint. The wisdom of the Indian leadership in realising that in restraint is the true measure of real power must be saluted and commended by all democratic forces in the world. Even in war we are seeing something very Indian, something very Gandhian,very Christian, and I believe, something truly amazing.” That the Pakistani intelligence agency is fuelling the fire of conflict in Kashmir has been forcefully projected by a writer in The Inter-national Herald Tribune. Mr Amin Saikal, Director of the Centre for Arab and Islamic Studies at the Australian National University in Canberra, noted that the Pakistani armed forces have long acted as the real authority behind any government of Pakistan, and behind the military lurks the intelligence agency. The intelligence agency plays a key role in influencing Pakistan’s domestic and foreign policy agendas, especially in relation to Afghanistan and India. Mr Saikal feels that the Pakistani intelligence agency, buoyed up by its experiences in Afghanistan, will try to stand firm on its Kashmir strategy. Its aim, according to him, is to tie down the Indian military for as long as possible, while encouraging the Kashmiri insurgents to strengthen their base of resistance to Indian rule. But Mr Saikal warns: “This time, however, the Inter-Services Intelligence agency may have miscalculated. Kashmir is not Afghanistan. India is determined to stymie the agency’s disruptive moves, if necessary by striking across the Line of Control that serves as a de facto border, or opening a second front closer to the heartland of Pakistan.” Another South Asia expert, Mr Selig Harrison, Fellow of the Century Foundation and a former South Asia correspondent for the Washington Post, has strongly urged the USA and international aid agencies to recognise that uninterrupted economic assistance to Pakistan during a crisis of this magnitude subsidises military adventurism and undermines diplomatic efforts to defuse the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir. Expressing strong disapproval of the IMF aid of 51 million dollars to Pakistan (backed by the USA), sanctioned just three weeks after Islamabad’s military offensive in Kashmir, Mr Harrison said: “This business as usual policy makes no sense while the danger of escalation to a nuclear war is growing on the battle front.” Mr Harrison said
American officials have privately acknowledged that India
scored an intelligence coup when it intercepted on May 29
an international telephone conversation between General
Musharraf and the Chief of the General Staff in
Islamabad, Lt-Gen. Mohd Aziz. He noted that the
conversation was “replete with evidence”
indicating the grip of the armed forces over the
politicians in Pakistan and the “freedom
fighters.” |
Bits
of history in my album RUMMAGING through my ancient trunk I come across an almost tattered album. I had forgotten all about it. Life’s vicissitudes had erased the memory of a kinetic past that was at once exhilarating and painful. The heady student days at Ludhiana’s Arya College were a curious mix of idealism, passion and a desire for concrete action. Freedom was around the corner, so was the country’s division. Funnily, my best friends at the college were Muslims, and yet we were on the opposite sides of the politico-communal divide. While I would join anti-partition demonstrations, my friends would shout pro-Pakistan slogans. Could a situation be more oxymoronic? The photograph of Prof M.K. Rasgotra, who was our English professor and later on became India’s Foreign Secretary, in the album reminded me when I was a member of the “editorial board” of the first ever magazine published by our college. I have a photograph of Sardar Patel and Dr Rajendra Prasad sharing a settee. One accomplished the near-impossible task of hammering India into a cohesive political entity; the other in his own way exalted the office of the Republic’s President. One can also see Nehru talking to Vijay Lakshmi Pandit — the first woman to chair the UN General Assembly. In 1949 I had joined the Indian Air Force. There are assorted other photographs collected during my varicolored career in the IAF: Nehru and Nasser — two of the three giants of the Non Aligned Movement — the third being Marshal Tito. NAM is truly a dream gone sour, a boat that has lost its moorings in the post-Cold War scenario. With idealism as its staple diet the movement was expected to bring sanity to a world, which seemed to sit atop a nuclear powder keg, with doomsday just an accidental explosion away. Today India herself has become a nuclear weapon state. It has joined the atomic weapons race that Nehru had consciously avoided. Then there is Krishna Menon mesmerising airmen at the AF Station, Jodhpur, with his eloquence. Hello, and what is Chou Enlai doing in my album? Yes, those were the heady “Hindi-Chini bhai bhai” days. At the Palam airport he is being received by Nehru et al. Ironically, 1998 was the centenary year of both Menon and Chou Enlai; one a flamboyant impulsive and highly opinionated individual, and the other cool, calculating and extremely polite. Menon and George Fernandes have one thing in common — both love to see their names emblazoned in the media headlines. However, while Menon adored the Dragon, George Fernandes would rather slay it. No prizes for guessing who of the two is our uniformed fraternity’s bete noire. The jeep scandal of the fifties, and the 1962 rout (there is no other word for it) ensured permanent infamy for Menon. However, Fernandes too has blotted his copybook a bit thanks to the Bhagwat episode. Reluctantly, I close the
album. Many a golden opportunity lost, many an invaluable
lesson learnt from blunders of yore. In my twilight years
I have but one wish. May the once famous promise to wipe
tears off every eye come true in my lifetime. Nuclear
might, power politics, high falutin posturing... all
become meaningless when a hungry street urchin cries in
the streets, when a hapless woman is burnt at the dowry
stakes, when a blameless undertrial languishes in the
gaol, when a faceless mercenary snuffs out innocent
lives... while our elite plays Nero. |
Poll scene still hazy
THE deafening gunshots across the Kargil hills or the controversies over the war management have not dissuaded the political parties from going ahead with the election preparations. Plans are being drawn up on the presumption that the polling might be spread over three weeks, may be in four or five stages instead of the normal three. This will help the Election Commission meet the shortage of forces which have now been deployed in the sensitive border states. For political parties, longer campaign periods have both advantages and disadvantages. Being held in most unusual circumstances, every one is conscious of the uncertainties of the outcome of the poll. There are so many imponderables which may suddenly recoil. Neither the private surveys nor the daily dose of Internet survey can foresee them. The latter may, at the most, represent the views of the upper middle class and the NRI patriots. Otherwise it is really hard to gauge how the voters will react to a series of untested decisions before and after Kargil. Such fears seems to have forced the major players in politics to draw up their game plans on the basis of a three-pronged strategy. The first stage began by activating the dormant ranks and patching up the warring factions at different levels. Central observers have been despatched to the states, joint panels formed and deals offered to those with hefty vote banks. Even the quarrelling Janata Dal leaders of Karnataka have become admirably restraint. Kalyan Singh’s detractors within the Uttar Pradesh BJP have conditionally agreed to lay low until October 21. As the BJP observers made some headway in ending the factional wars elsewhere, a fresh threat has come from Himachal Pradesh where Shanta Kumar has revived his onslaught on Chief Minister Prem Kumar Dhumal. Recalcitrant leaders like J.B. Patnaik are being rehabilitated with the hope of using their services in difficult times. The outcome of such patch-up efforts will be known when the ticket distribution begins. In the normal course, the Congress as it is, has been used to the infightings, poll-eve ceasefires and contesting as rebel candidates. However, this time the advent of Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party might provide a platform for such rebel candidates. Since the Pawar party’s effective presence is rather marginal outside Maharashtra, such a platform may at the best turn out to be merely a label. The BJP has gone ahead with its well conceived plans for influencing the media. State-level meetings are now being held to train the party leaders how to win over and manipulate the media to the best advantage. At the central level, Pramod Mahajan has achieved what a V.C. Shukla during the emergency or Mani Shankar Iyar under Rajiv Gandhi could not do. Subtle use powers to decide on DTH, settle huge financial disputes with the DD, extension of contracts and FERA cases have helped tame the private electronic and print media. Thus even Sonia Gandhi programmes get blacked out on the screen. The BJP has also drawn up a massive propaganda and publicity plan with the help of multinational public opinion and ad firms. In one case, presentation was made in the presence of Atal Behari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani. The budget for this alone is put at as high as Rs 22 crore. Last year, it has been Rs 12 crore. As compared to this, the Congress has a modest blue print. All this will give a headstart to the BJP. At the secondary level, every political party is striving to maximise its seat tally through electoral alliances and seat adjustments, some open, some hidden. While for the bigger players this is a question of wresting power, smaller partners seek to use their numbers for a better bargain within their alliances or outside if the situation so demanded. This explains the frantic search for allies and best deal in seat sharing. Here, again, the BJP is undoubtedly in a far better shape than others. Its arrangement with the erstwhile allies is more or less intact. Its proposal for status quo in seat allocation will enable it to narrow down disputes over seats. The BJP is also determined to make maximum concessions to its two dozen allies if its own hard bargaining leads to a stalemate. The BJP does not anticipate any major hitch in seat sharing with the Akalis, the Lok Shakti and the Shiv Sena. The split of the BJD will complicate the arrangement in Orissa. The large number of claimants in Tamil Nadu is going to make it fastidious. In UP, the defectors’ group of Congress and BSP rebels have sought over two dozen Lok Sabha seats. Similarly, Chautala in Haryana has made it clear that he would not part with any of his winnable seats. As compared to this, the other side is in a bigger mess. Desertion of Sharad Pawar and Mulayam Singh Yadav’s anti-Congress posture have sealed the party’s fate in the two big states where the BJP is going to be the gainer, at least arithmetically. This has substantially eroded the Congress hope of wresting a majority for it or its camp. There seems to be a wide credibility gap in the profile and performance of the Congress. Its offer of a stable single-party rule can send a powerful message at a time when successive coalitions have failed to provide stability or able leadership. It is also going to be easier to punch holes in the BJP’s claim for stability at the head of a two-dozen-strong khitchdi alliance. But, ironically, the Congress itself is frantically seeking seat adjustments, wherever feasible, with other parties. Its consultations with the AIADMK for alliance has reached the stage of claims for specific seats. Left parties, which have also joined the tieup, are persuading the Tamil Maanila Congress for an indirect arrangement. The Congress will also forge an alliance with Laloo Prasad Yadav in Bihar. It is also striving hard for a tieup with the BSP in UP. While the RJP of Shankarsinh Vaghela has already merged with the Congress, Bansi Lal is also likely to follow suit. The Congress, however, does not need an alliance in states like Karnataka, Kerala, Rajasthan, MP, Orissa, Delhi. At the third level, big and small parties alike have their own calculations as to how best they could take advantage of the post-election uncertainties. In case the elections produce a hung Lok Sabha as is widely believed, support of even tiny parties will become crucial. After forming his own outfit, Sharad Pawar has not been able to get any foothold outside Maharashtra. His frantic moves for seat-sharing with other anti-BJP, non-Congress parties failed to evoke any meaningful response. Vaghela, Jagannath Mishra, J.B. Patnaik, Bhajan Lal, etc have found no use of him because he is not in a position to add to their strength in their own burrows. Normally, this is the most important condition for seat sharing. For the same reason Pawar has failed to evoke any response from the leaders of the TDP, the Trinamul Congress and the National Conference. However, another hung Lok Sabha can provide tremendous scope for those like Pawar when the newly elected members will strive hard to avert another election. There will be pressures for a patch-up between the Congress and Pawar. The advantage of being Pawar is that he could strike bargain with both the BJP and anti-BJP camps with equal elan. His disdain of ideology and commitment will provide him ample ‘flexibility’ – a reform era term for opportunism. He does not lack the support of the foreign investors, something essential for the survival of any third word government. Considering himself as prime ministerial stuff, Pawar is also not likely to play second fiddle to either Sonia Gandhi or Vajpayee. Numerical disadvantages notwithstanding, Pawar can offer himself a rallying point for those who have to be compulsively anti-Congress as well as those who want to avoid the stigma of being anti-minorities. Even the BJP circles fear that under compulsive situations gravitation of such parties as the TDP, the National Conference, the Akalis, the Lok Shakti and the Trinamul Congress towards Pawar cannot entirely be ruled out. Essentially, these parties had sided with the BJP for their animosity towards parties like the Congress and not due to any affinity with the saffron party. Even the BJP strategists fear that Pawar’s friends in many outfits can be of great help to him under such fluid situations. At the moment, all this may look highly farfetched. But the post-election scenario looks so hazy that the capital’s political corridors echo with all sorts of speculations and wishful thinking. At least as of now, political parties are moving over to the election battle without any readily marketable national issue. Corruption, which had dominated the campaign in 1989 and 1996, has faded into the background with every political party having abetted and aided its known perpetrators. Paradoxically, George Fernandes himself had to sign the papers revoking the ban of deals with Bofors. In war and politics, we are told, everything, including frauds, is relative, not absolute. For a brief while,
‘foreign origin’ was hoped to be turning into
an emotional election wave. Fewer crowds at a couple of
rallies was enough proof of the bursting Sonia bubbles.
But it survived only until more crowds appeared in
rallies in MP and Mau in UP. Even the ‘ability’
and ‘stability’ have to be reinvented and
repackaged. Unless some thing really big comes the way,
the ensuing poll battles will remain state specific, and
will have to be fought essentially by the local political
franchisees like Chandrababu Naidu in Andhra Pradesh,
Karunanidhi and Jayalalitha in Tamil Nadu, Laloo Prasad
Yadav in Bihar and Badal in Punjab. The complexities of
state politics and their influence on the electoral
outcome have dissuaded even the poll surveyers not to
come up with their usually questionable pre-campaign
predictions. |
BBC denies blame for child deaths
THE BBC has denied it was to blame for the death of two children after unwittingly helping their father, who turned out to have a history of domestic violence, track them down in Israel. Erez Tivoni has been charged with the murder of his daughter, Avital, (one-year-old), and son Jeffrey, (four), who died after being doused with petrol and set alight in a Tel Aviv battered wives’ refuge where their mother had fled after years of beatings. The baby died immediately from burns, while the boy died three weeks later. The corporation promised to co-operate with Israeli police after paying the man, who arrived in Britain saying he had amnesia, expenses “running into hundreds of pounds” and sending a film crew to accompany him to Tel Aviv to search for his family. The BBC also paid his air fare, although it was reimbursed by a London social services department. The BBC, which on Sunday said it was “appalled” at the deaths, has scrapped the programme. Tivoni’s wife, Etti, told the (London) Sunday People that she was angry at the BBC for its role: “I thought we were safe. But these TV people were taken in by him. I can’t understand why they would help a man like this.” The BBC became involved with Tivoni after he walked into a London police station in March, claiming to have total memory loss. After police publicised his case, the corporation decided to make a documentary for the Inside Story series, based on his attempt to piece together his life. Two weeks before Tivoni allegedly killed his children on May 19, the corporation stopped filming in Israel for budget reasons. The BBC denied being duped by Tivoni, and said before filming began two psychologists had confirmed he was suffering from amnesia. Weeks before the deaths, Tivoni had flown from London to Israel with a two-man BBC crew, where they filmed him for six days. Tivoni, a former clothing salesman, was filmed at court hearings as he sought access to his children, who had been taken to Tel Aviv by his wife in an effort to escape his attacks. He was eventually given permission to see the children at the refuge in a meeting to be supervised by Israeli social services. At the end of the 90-minute visit, Tivoni asked for a short time alone with his children. He allegedly doused them with petrol and set them alight. Liora Glatt-Berkovitz, the deputy district attorney for Tel Aviv, said she believed Tivoni had being faking amnesia, but that the BBC bore no responsibility for the tragedy. “I think he cheated the BBC and used them. I don’t believe he really lost his memory.” Tivoni left Israel three months after his wife and children fled to the refuge. After travelling through western Europe, he ended up in London. In a statement the BBC defended its actions and said: “The research for this film included close liaison with the police, social services, psychologists and psychiatrists, both in Britain and Israel. “At no point was the question of Erez committing violence raised by these professionals. “Moreover we have a letter written by Dr Megahed of St Clements psychiatric hospital stating that Erez was suffering from ‘dissociative amnesia probably caused by a shock or trauma ... and was unlikely to cause harm to himself or others’.” The BBC added that an Israeli psychologist had supported that assessment at the end of April, and also said that the Israeli embassy in London allowed Tivoni to return to Israel and issued him with a passport. The BBC said that no action had been taken against the producers involved “as their job was to observe a man coming to terms with his loss of memory”. The documentary’s executive producer, Olivia Lichtenstein, is reputed to be one of the BBC’s most trusted programme makers. The BBC said that, if asked, it was willing to hand over untransmitted film footage to Israeli police investigating the case, and would fully co-operate with them. Tivoni’s double
murder trial will resume in September. A first
psychiatric evaluation found he was fit to face charges,
and a second assessment is scheduled. —Guardian News
Service |
A welcome step AT a time when thanks to the satyagraha in Vykom the question of the removal of untouchability has become a burning issue, the publication of the resolutions recently passed by such a body as the Hindu Mahasabha, allowing the untouchables access to public wells, meetings, schools and temples, must be pronounced as a highly opportune step. The Mahasabha is an admittedly authoritative body so far as Hindu orthodoxy is concerned, and the fact that it has definitely declared itself in favour of eliminating some of the disabilities under which the so-called untouchable classes labour at present cannot but help forward the solution of this pressing question. Of course, the step is
not adequate. What the requirements of the case — no
less than the spirit of the case and no less than the
spirit of the age — demand is not merely that the
untouchables should have access to public wells,
meetings, schools and temples but that they should cease
to be untouchables. But in such cases it is the first
step that matters, and the first step in the present case
is obviously the thin end of the wedge. |
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