Of CMs and Rajya Sabha
PRIME Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee may have many shortcomings but inconsistency in reacting to the demand for a special Rajya Sabha session is not one of them.

Dealing with milk mafia
THERE is no end to the stories about food adulteration. Those indulging in this inhuman activity have not spared even milk, the mainstay of infants.

WASHINGTON PACT & BEYOND
India's real test begins now
by Hari Jaisingh
PRESIDENT Bill Clinton can derive some satisfaction — even if somewhat misplaced — that he has done his bit by making Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif agree to undertake certain "concrete steps" to de-escalate the Kargil crisis. At best, it is only a quarter of a step to inject some sense into Pakistan's misadventure brigade.

South Africa: focus shifts to Mbeki
by Hari Sharan Chhabra
THE focus is now on President Mbeki of South Africa. A “new tomorrow” in which the government and the people have entered into a contract to build a winning nation, diligently working to create a better life for itself, was envisaged by President Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki in his inauguration speech in Pretoria on June 16.

What is “sonar” about Bangladesh?
By M.S.N. Menon
ONCE bitten, twice shy. So goes the saying. But our Prime Minister does not seem to learn. He went to Dhaka in spite of his bitter Lahore experience. And the drummer boys, as usual, did drum up the publicity. But, thank heaven, there was no euphoria. The people of India have grown wiser.

The Pay Day in Delhi
by K.K. Khullar
THIRTYSEVEN human beings breathed inside. Except the landlord, everybody else was asleep, or pretended to be so. In addition to his daughters and their children, the unmarried and the married sons with their liabilities, the building contained three full-fledged Indian-sized families: four eligible lower-division bachelors, one paying-guest, and a 60-year-old widow, who had witnessed the birth of at least one dozen babies on the premises in the role of a midwife.

75 Years Ago

March of the Fifth Shahidi Jatha
THE fifth Shahidi Jatha, which started from Lyallpur, passed through Sucha Sauda, Chuharkana, Mandi Chaumkana, Mauza Jhamke, Mauza Dhanat Pura (Chowk Raja) Machhike and Qila Sheikhpura, on its seventh day’s march.

Of CMs and Rajya Sabha

PRIME Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee may have many shortcomings but inconsistency in reacting to the demand for a special Rajya Sabha session is not one of them. His reaction to the Opposition's demand for convening the Rajya Sabha for discussing the Kargil issue is both amazing and amusing. It appears that one only has to whisper "Rajya Sabha" to make him jump out of his skin. When the demand for a special session was formally raised at the all-party meeting on the Kargil conflict Mr Vajpayee offered a meeting with the Chief Ministers as a substitute for parliamentary debate on an issue which concerns the security of the nation. Like a bad penny the demand for a Rajya Sabha session turned up at the Chief Ministers’ meeting too with the Prime Minister on Wednesday. Mr Vajpayee thought he was being clever when he responded to the demand by stating that "I shall, however, continue to evolve a consensus on the matter by examining the proposal afresh". He was evidently hinting at the predictable division among the participants with the Bharatiya Janata Party [plus allies and supporters] Chief Ministers opposing the demand and the non-BJP Chief Ministers reiterating their position on why a special Rajya Sabha session was necessary at this critical juncture in the country's post-Independence history. Since when have the Chief Ministers earned the right to decide whether the country's Parliament should or should not be allowed to debate such an important issue as the Kargil conflict?

Apart from Mr Vajpayee's consistent stand on the question of calling a Rajya Sabha session there was little of substance which was discussed at the Chief Ministers' meeting with the Prime Minister. "PM rules out halting operations in Kargil" was hardly earth-shaking news considering the splendid work done by the Air Force and the Army in pushing back the infiltrators from strategically important posts and positions. The BJP and pro-BJP Chief Ministers read out their lines dutifully without giving any fresh insight into the conflict which has created a war-like situation in the sub-continent. The Gujarat Chief Minister contributed his bit to the drivel by demanding that Junagadh and Porbandar should be declared border districts as "they have a sea border with Pakistan". However, West Bengal Chief Minister Jyoti Basu made a valid point by referring to the Clinton-Sharif joint statement on the Kargil crisis as "de facto third party intervention" by the USA on the Kashmir issue. He urged the Prime Minister to "scrupulously adhere" to the Simla Agreement for bilateral resolution of disputes between the two countries. In the overall context, there can be no difference of opinion on the question of taking the Chief Ministers into confidence on important national issues.

However, it must be remembered that Chief Ministers, at best, can articulate their concerns-which most of them did during the interaction with the Prime Minister-and even express their disagreement over the strategy for the resolution of a crisis.But their suggestions are not binding on the Centre. That is why in this moment of national crisis it is important to take the nation into confidence through an informed debate on all aspects of the issue in the country's apex legislature. Since the Lok Sabha has been dissolved Mr Vajpayee would only add to his stature as an outstanding parliamentarian by convening a special session of the "permanent half" of the country's legislature. It would send out the message to the entire world that India's strength lies in its ability to rise above narrow political concerns in moments of such crises as our defence forces are valiantly tackling in the inhospitable terrain of Kargil. The BJP's diffidence, exemplified in Mr Vajpayee's wishy washy reaction during the meeting with the Chief Ministers on convening a special Rajy a Sabha session for discussing the war-like situation caused by the Pakistan action in Kargil only betrays its distrust of and disrespect for the institution of parliamentary democracy. If Parliament was such a dispensable institution, as has consistently been made out by the BJP, the founding fathers would not have made it the central pillar of the country's Constitution.

Dealing with milk mafia

THERE is no end to the stories about food adulteration. Those indulging in this inhuman activity have not spared even milk, the mainstay of infants. Reports have it that millions of litres of synthetic milk is produced in Uttar Pradesh which is consumed not only in that state but elsewhere too. Painfully, this unholy business has been carried on in connivance with officials and politicians. If today these merchants of death find themselves in great difficulty, it is not because of any initiative on the part of the state government. it all began with a recent newspaper report about the large-scale sale of adulterated and synthetic milk in almost every part of UP. The Allahabad High Court took suo motu notice of the write-up early in May and directed the authorities to bring this dangerous activity to an end. While asking the state government to set up food analysis laboratories in every district (the entire state has only two such labs!), it has instructed the subordinate courts to decide food adulteration cases within three months at least. The High Court was so upset that it also directed the Central government to make a law on the lines of the Narcotics Act to deal with the menace as, perhaps, the 1955 Prevention of Food Adulteration Act did not have sufficient teeth. The Centre is obviously not in a position to come out with such a piece of legislation, but the UP government has moved into action with a special drive to destroy this business root and branch. However, the task is not so easy, so well-connected is the milk mafia in UP. Based mainly in the Western part of the state, these operators have spread their tentacles to East UP too. This extremely harmful product, if it is of the synthetic variety, contains urea, caustic soda, liquid detergents, sodium sulphate and while poster paints. These "milk manufacturers" have also been using titanium dioxide and sullage procured from the oil refinery at Mathura. It is not their concern if this deadly mix in liquid form leads to the consumers' liver or heart failure. According to one analysis, some of the ingredients affect the human body's immune system causing the consumer's death.

It is not the court directive which has revealed this painful truth to the state authorities. They already knew that over 70 per cent cases of food adulteration related to milk and milk products. The manufacture and sale of this deadly white liquid have been going on for years but no one in authority could muster enough courage to take on the powerful people behind this fast growing business. Thus no member of this nearly 1000-strong mafia is known to have been punished so far. Even after the High Court's intervention there are any number of dairies in Meerut and Saharanpur divisions where no raid has been conducted obviously because of the owners' high-level links. In fact, not much should be expected from the administration in a country where those at the helm are insensitive to even such developments as affect people’s lives and limbs. Not long ago when a number of deaths were reported owing to the consumption of adulterated mustard oil, there was not much pressure from the public to force the authorities to take action against the guilty. Whatever action was taken was because of the pressure built up by newspaper reports. It is not known if any big shark was given exemplary punishment. There is urgent need for raising the awareness level of the public to effectively deal with the fast growing criminal tribe of food adulterators.

WASHINGTON PACT & BEYOND
India's real test begins now

by Hari Jaisingh

PRESIDENT Bill Clinton can derive some satisfaction — even if somewhat misplaced — that he has done his bit by making Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif agree to undertake certain "concrete steps" to de-escalate the Kargil crisis. At best, it is only a quarter of a step to inject some sense into Pakistan's misadventure brigade. The real test of the Washington Declaration will begin after Mr Nawaz Sharif's "homecoming", and it is not going to be easy for him in Islamabad. More of it later.

There are three critical aspects of the joint statement issued by the US President and the Pakistan Prime Minister in Washington early this week. First, we have to closely examine American interests, calculations and motives for its initiative to defuse tension in the subcontinent. Is President Clinton planning a Camp David-type intervention to settle the Kashmir issue? Does he wish to convert the LoC into an international border as part of a solution? It may be premature to talk about it at this juncture. But we have to anticipate possible proposals and pressures to prepare our response.

Second, South Block ought to have a critical second look at the Washington Declaration and examine in greater detail the ground realities today and beyond it.

Third, what sort of Pakistan will we have to deal with henceforth? Will Mr Nawaz Sharif be true to his words and commitments? Will he be able to implement the Washington Declaration in the face of mounting criticism within his country by opposition parties and Islamic fundamentalist groups he once promoted?

Let me first take up the question of American initiative and possible Indian options. If we look at US strategies and policies of the Cold War days and after that, New Delhi should have reasons to suspect American designs in Kashmir. Indo-US relations, for that matter, have always been fluctuating. They have never been stable because of America's known pro-Pakistan tilt right from the Nixon days.

American policy-makers have had an abiding interest in the region. They have also certain gameplans to advance their overall geopolitical and economic interests. Their involvement in Afghanistan, Central Asia and the subcontinent grew considerably after the Soviet occupation of Kabul.

What happened subsequently is part of a bloody chapter in the region. Islamabad was specially propped up to drive out the Soviets from Afghanistan with the help of well-armed militant groups. The Taliban have been Pakistan's creation. They are now openly operating within Pakistan. Islamabad in turn has been using them for its dubious gameplans in Kargil and beyond.

The moot point now is: has Washington corrected its Cold War course and revised its South Asian policy in the light of highly dangerous activities of Islamic fundamentalist groups directed against the USA itself? Saudi billionaire Osama bin Laden has already sent alarming signals.

The Pakistan-sponsored "Lashkars" of Osama bin Laden and other Islamic militant groups are known for their barbaric acts. Washington sees Laden and his Islamic fighters as its enemy number one in its fight against terrorism. President Clinton would like to strike at the Saudi billionaire's operational base in the Pakistan-Afghan belt militarily with Indian assistance, if possible. Perhaps, South Block has already been sounded in this regard. But, on what terms?

Cooperation with the USA to root out terrorism is in India's interest. The world's two largest democracies ought to actively cooperate in the interest of peace and progress in the region. With American backup, the Indian forces can take care of Osama bin Laden and his terrorist outfits. But, will President Clinton let India act on its own?

Perhaps, the USA will like to use our territory and facilities to do the job itself. This will not be desirable. It is not in India's interest to be seen as America's client state. This will go against the basic grain of India's foreign policy.

Friendship and active cooperation are fine, but Washington must learn to respect Indian sensitivities and allow it to pursue a proactive course to root out terrorism from the region which alone can ensure lasting peace, harmony and economic growth in South Asia and beyond. Our policy-makers must keep this in mind and not allow themselves to come under American pressure, howsoever justifiable otherwise.

There is certainly a perceptible shift in emphasis in American policy in the subcontinent. Still, we can never be sure of America's long-term calculations. It is also not clear whether there is any unwritten understanding between Mr Nawaz Sharif and President Bill Clinton which might have induced the Pakistan Prime Minister to agree to take "concrete steps" to defuse the Kargil crisis. And these promised steps, at least on paper, are broadly in tune with the Indian position.

Perhaps, President Clinton has tried to help Mr Nawaz Sharif to come out of a very difficult situation he had landed himself in. This is understandable. However, South Block will have to be cautious and not allow itself to be carried away by the wording of the joint statement. Going by their larger interests in the area vis-a-vis China and Russia, the Americans surely have a definite plan for Kashmir. It is also possible that Washington might be thinking of turning the Line of Control (LoC) into permanent international border — a move which has been mooted by various persons from time to time, including the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Dr Farooq Abdullah.

Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee owes it to the nation to explain the Washington Declaration in totality keeping in view the larger Indian interests in the region. For the present, the Indian response needs to be cautious but positive.

From New Delhi's point of view, the Pakistan establishment is not trustworthy. It says one thing one day but does exactly opposite later. This has been the Indian experience for the past 50 years. But for the Pakistani leaders' duplicity and dubious games, India would not have been subjected to three unwanted wars.

In any case, New Delhi cannot close its eyes to certain disturbing developments taking place within Pakistan. It has to find an effective answer to counter the unleashing of militancy as well as Islamic fundamentalism by Islamabad on this side of the border. India must face the new threat firmly and boldly. It should see to it that the forces of fundamentalism and militancy are crushed decisively to keep our secular credential alive.

Coming to the question of whether Mr Nawaz Sharif will be able to honour his commitments as spelt out in the Washington Declaration, all that can be said straightway is that it will be very tough going for him.

The Pakistan government and the military establishment have already given a twist to the Sharif-Clinton joint statement by saying that only the mujahideen need to be pulled back from the Indian side of the LoC. Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Muhammad Saddiq Khan Kanju told the National Assembly :"There is no question of withdrawal of Pakistani forces as they have not crossed the LoC".

This is a travesty of truth. The world knows that the mujahideen have been very much part of Pakistan's intrusion game and that there is a large presence of Pakistani regular army personnel. New Delhi should be prepared to counter all sort of dubious moves and diversionary tactics by the Islamabad establishment to confuse the basic issue of aggression and its vacation by the Pakistani intruders.

True, Mr Sharif's survival is at stake. It would not be surprising if he faces a civil war-like situation. After all, a whole generation of Pakistanis have been fed on anti-India fanaticism. The people there have been disinformed and misinformed to the advantage of the fundamentalists. Mr Nawaz Sharif is as much to blame for keeping this atmosphere alive as have been the other leaders, past as well as present.

Peace with Pakistan cannot be built in an atmosphere of mistrust and distrust. There has to be basic genuineness of intentions and motives and this has been very much missing among Pakistani leaders.

There are, in fact, two faces of Mr Nawaz Sharif. When he talks as a shrewd businessman, he talks sense and peace with India. The other face of Mr Nawaz Sharif is soaked in secrecy and is basically dubious in character. Some experts feel that he has been playing a deep game with this country. Looking back, they do not seem to be very much off the mark.

While talking peace with Indian leaders which led to the launching of the sugar-coated bus diplomacy, Mr Sharif had already blessed the plan for intrusion in Kargil with a view to wresting Jammu and Kashmir from India. The tragedy with the Indian leaders is that they tend to be emotional and trust those who may not be trustworthy otherwise. The country has again paid a heavy price for the immaturity of the persons at the helm.

Good intention cannot be a one-way street. It has to be a two-way traffic. Indeed, the real test for India begins now. With the US "intervention" in Kargil, though indirectly, it is an open game. There is no point in crying hoarse over the unpleasant fact of internationalisation of Kashmir.

Let us not waste our time, energy and efforts on this count. Kashmir was internationalised way back in 1948 when India knocked at the doors of the UN Security Council with a complaint against Pakistan instead of settling the Kashmir problem once and for all by throwing out the Pakistani infiltrators at that time.

We should address ourselves to the real issues facing the country now. This will require massive efforts not only in terms of keeping the military action going but also by launching a political and diplomatic offensive to make the Indian position acceptable to the global powers.

New Delhi should learn to talk from a position of strength. The leaders in the present caretaker government should also learn a lesson or two from Indira Gandhi of the 1971 war fame.

Nothing can be achieved by a goody-goody approach. We ought to be clear about our goals and targets and pursue our policy and objectives with determination. Pakistan is a fireball on our hands. We have to see how we can make it burn itself out without burning our fingers.

South Africa: focus shifts to Mbeki
by Hari Sharan Chhabra

THE focus is now on President Mbeki of South Africa. A “new tomorrow” in which the government and the people have entered into a contract to build a winning nation, diligently working to create a better life for itself, was envisaged by President Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki in his inauguration speech in Pretoria on June 16. He spoke of the nights that would be filled with nightmares unless the problems of poverty, HIV/AIDS, crime, unemployment, racial and gender inequality and corruption were addressed. But he was full of hope when he said that this was the beginning of a “new era”.

For South Africa June 16 was perhaps the most appropriate day chosen by the ANC leadership. It is “Youth Day” observed to mark the memory of young students, who were killed in Soweto township on June 16, 1976, when they were protesting peacefully against the inferior education imparted to them, and against the imposition of Afrikaan — the language of imperialism and oppression.

The inauguration of Mr Mbeki was a great day in the history of South Africa. Watched by 30 Presidents and representatives from 130 countries, Mr Mbeki took oath of office in five languages — Xhosa, Tswana, Venda, English and Afrikaan. Royalty was there in plenty — the Swazi King, Crown Prince of Morocco, Prince Philip of Belgium and the Crown Prince of Bahrain.

Celebrations were befitting, but on the lavish side. According to official figures, a sum of 47 million rands (Rs 35 crore) was spent, which the government said was justified. But the opposition parties objected to it in strong words calling it wasteful, especially when the government says it has no money for the welfare of the masses. A wit asked: “Is it inauguration or coronation?”

During the inauguration celebrations, there was an air of excitement and expectation. When the South African media was talking of challenges before the country some analysts felt that Mr Mbeki was a strong leader with a mind of his own, who can take the bull by the horns. Mr Chris Landsberg, an academic at the Johannesburg-based Centre for Policy Studies, was glad that Mr Mbeki had promised a government that would be more effective and more responsive to the people for whom it could produce results.

Mr Nelson Mandela was given a warm and affectionate farewell. He has left the South African political scene highly respected and honoured for the tireless role that he played in pioneering democracy to his beloved country. After all, he was both the President of the country and the father of the nation. It is often said and rather correctly that he was above party politics.

Sample some tributes to Mr Mandela from opposition political parties. According to the main opposition group of whites, the democratic party: “President Mandela is a leader born with a special kind of grace, who seems to transcend the politics of his age. He is a politician who managed to raise the sights of our politics....”

In a message to President Nelson Mandela, the Zulu-led Inkatha Freedom Party of Chief Buthelezi said: “There are no appropriate words in the vocabulary of any language that can sufficiently describe the presidency of Mr Mandela. He has been a wonderful and unique gift to South Africa....”

Mr Mbeki has taken over the reins of the country as the second democratically elected President following the successful election that saw the African National Congress emerge as a winner with a bigger mandate than it received in 1994. To say that the Mbeki regime will face major challenges would be a great understatement. While the Mandela era laid the foundation, Mr Mbeki and his new administration would be expected to do better.

Where Mr Mandela failed to deliver, Mr Mbeki will be watched to see whether he can deliver, and more so, at a faster pace. After all, Mr Mbeki has the unique advantage of running the country as an apprentice to Mr Mandela.

At the same time he has a core team of dedicated ministers. Mr Essop Pahad, his close friend and adviser, who has been a Deputy Minister in Mr Mbeki’s office, has been made a full-fledged Minister in the President’s office. He looks set to become perhaps the second most powerful man in South African politics.

A well-known analyst told this writer that Mr Mbeki will be his own man and that he will not step into Mr Mandela’s big shoes. Undoubtedly, he will put a premium on delivery. He is not only a politician and a strategist, but also a philosopher and visionary. He is expected to have a much tighter control over the ANC and be tough on his Ministers.

Mr Mbeki knows it well that an authoritarian approach could stifle debate within the ruling party and may force dissenters to split away. He is on record having said that the ANC may one day have to split as has happened to the Indian National Congress.

Already, there have been tensions within the ANC since the lifting of the ban in February, 1990. The tension is between the exiles like Mr Mbeki who had to live abroad after the ANC was banned in 1961 and the internals who kept the home fires burning during the dark days of apartheid. According to Mr Barney Mthombothi, a seasoned journalist, the two groups followed different cultures and traditions. The internals emphasised openness and consultation while the style of the exiles has been militaristic: they impose a style born out of circumstances in exile.

Another area of difference is between the communists and non-communists within the ANC. Mr Mbeki’s criticism of the South African Communist Party (SACP) at the ANC congress last year will not be easy to forget. (Never mind if Mr Essop Pahad is a member of the Polit Bureau of the SACP.) —IPA

The Pay Day in Delhi
by K.K. Khullar

THIRTYSEVEN human beings breathed inside. Except the landlord, everybody else was asleep, or pretended to be so. In addition to his daughters and their children, the unmarried and the married sons with their liabilities, the building contained three full-fledged Indian-sized families: four eligible lower-division bachelors, one paying-guest, and a 60-year-old widow, who had witnessed the birth of at least one dozen babies on the premises in the role of a midwife.

It was a wintry December night whose stillness was sometimes disturbed either by the coughing babies of the baboos or the occasional cry of the jackal in the vicinity. It was half past eleven: Satish was returning home from a rendezvous with his coffeehouse cronies, with a little booze in his system and the latest tune on his lips. The lights suddenly went up in every window, the chowkidar froze mid-track and the dog in half-howl.

The windows opened one by one, heads appeared and then disappeared. Seeing his face, all the women in the locality suddenly became young. The windows banged shut. For all the daddies of the building, Satish was a personification of all evil on earth, and everyone of them resolved before going to bed to crush his independence.

With his pay in his pocket and his heart almost nowhere, he looked at the pale melancholy moon. He suddenly felt some shadows creeping towards him. He felt as if somebody was cutting his feet. He turned around. There was no one. He smiled at his strange fear. He shook his head as if to shake away those frightening thoughts.He looked to the right and to the left and then dismissed everything except the long, dark road in front and the tune on his lips. The night was young and the fiercely fought the inertia which strangled his soul.

The lights in the locality suddenly went up again. The dog barked aloud. The chowkidar darted like an arrow. There was panic all around. There was nervousness and noise. In the middle of the road a young handsome corpse was lying engulfed in a pool of blood, like a crushed animal. Children clung to their mother’s bosoms. The wives stood stiff, terrified. The men looked at each other, perplexed. There was one single and silent question on their lips. Is he dead or alive? Nobody seemed to be sorry for him.

“He has been living here for the last three years, yet nobody knows anything about him except his name. You know he never mixed with us,” said Khannaji, an elder of the area.

“Don’t touch him; he is no more,” warned Chadhaji, an authority on clerical jurisprudence, as if touching the body would mean involvement.

“Call the Flying Squad” urged Aggarwal, as if afraid of even the dead man.

“Is there a phone nearby?” asked Gupta, fully knowing there was none.

“But how was he killed?” asked Ram Parsad.

It is obvious. You know it is pay day. Strange days have come. It is a problem even to bring pay to your own home,” came a voluntary reply from Joginder Singh, the cashier.

And while they were still discussing the how and why of the death of one whom they hated from the core of their heart while alive there emerged Satish from the dark road whistling and humming a tune.

Each one of them felt cheated; they looked at Satish, at themselves and at the body and could not decide which of the three was more meaningless.

What is “sonar” about Bangladesh?
By M.S.N. Menon

ONCE bitten, twice shy. So goes the saying. But our Prime Minister does not seem to learn. He went to Dhaka in spite of his bitter Lahore experience. And the drummer boys, as usual, did drum up the publicity. But, thank heaven, there was no euphoria. The people of India have grown wiser.

India had a hand in liberating the people of East Pakistan. More so from the gruesome genocide to which they were subjected by the Pakistan army. Perhaps the people of Bangladesh seem to have forgotten the bloated dead bodies which used to float down the rivers of their country. How else could they forget India’s role? It is not even mentioned in their history! We cannot blame Sheikh Hasina for it, for even her father’s role has been distorted. But she must undo the mischief of the past. Only then can India-Bangla relations become normal.

For the good that India did, it is rewarded with hatred by a section of Bangla people. Nehru used to call it returning evil for good. He was, of course, referring to China. Even the brutal and wholesale decimation of the intellectuals of Dhaka seems to have made no impression on this hate brigade!

The fact that Sheikh Hasina is now in power may mean that the majority who voted for her do not hate India. But, even so, Sheikh Hasina makes every move with caution for fear of the opposition. That is why “bus diplomacy” cannot work in Dhaka. Vajpayee should have known.

India has gone out of its way to appease Bangladesh and other neighbours. The Gujral doctrine was naive, but its intentions were sincere. With what result? India’s neighbours, at least most of them, remain hostile and suspicious of India. Can you believe it — they have greater faith in China after all that it has done to its neighbours and non-Han people!

So, if in 50 years, our neighbours have not been able to understand us, I wonder whether they will ever understand this country. There is no point in appeasing them. Such good gestures go without even a “thank you”.

At the inauguration of the bus service, Sheikh Hasina spoke glowingly about India’s role in the liberation of Bangladesh. She expressed her deep gratitude. Such things were unheard of earlier. She said: “The role of India and her people in our great war of liberation is an important chapter in the history”. That chapter is missing.

Be that as it may, there are other factors that we have to think about. The Awami League came to power in June, 1996. A number of contentious issues have since been sorted out. For example, sharing of Ganga water, repatriation of the Chakma refugees, crossborder terrorism and illegal immigration. These were major irritants.

On sharing of Ganga water, which has been a perennial problem, India has gone out of its way to meet Bangla needs. In fact, Bangla High Commissioner Shafi Sami says: “We are getting our due share according to the formula worked out... the present flow is much higher (than the formula)”.

Perhaps it was in recognition of this that Bangladesh agreed to take back the 50,000 or so Chakma refugees, who had become a vexatious problem.

As for terrorism, Bangladesh is not doing enough to combat it. The Pak ISI seems to have a free run in Bangladesh. One should not wonder at it: a third of the Bangla people were opposed to the liberation of Bangladesh! India can take care of the ISI. But can Hasina? Or, can Bangladesh? ISI will one day make a claim on Bangla.

About illegal immigrants, they are invisible. So our political parties chose not to see them. For them, these immigrants are new vote banks.

Illegal immigration may not be a problem today. Tomorrow, Muslims may gain a majority in Assam, even in West Bengal, and they may ask for more autonomy or independence or even merger with Bangla. India cannot rule out such prospects.

Our politicians are more interested in the votes of these illegal immigrants than in the future of the country. That is why illegal immigration should be dealt with by an autonomous body under the President. Because Prafulla Kumar Mahanta and Jyoti Basu looked the other way, both Assam and West Bengal are in danger now. But the All Assam Students Union has taken up the issue of deporting the illegal immigrants. The state government has done nothing to send back the 3.7 lakh illegal immigrants who have been listed under Category D (Doubtful cases) in the state’s voter list. They were not allowed to vote in the last general election. The students’ union is of the view that this is only the tip of the iceberg.

Similarly, the CPM rank and file in West Bengal are alarmed over the growth of illegal immigration from Bangladesh. It has become so alarming that Jyoti Basu had to give expression to it recently.

The point I want to make is this: this is not an issue in which India can afford to appease Bangladesh. On illegal immigration, there should be no compromise.

As for economic cooperation, there has been little of it. Again for want of faith in India. There is a growing trade gap between the two countries. Official trade in 1996-97 was about $ 1.1 billion and the unofficial amounted to $ 1.5 billion, making a total of $ 2.6 billion. In contrast, Bangla exports to India came to a mere $ 30 million.

Bangladesh has reduced tariff substantially. This has helped the growth of Indian exports. Bangla wants India to reduce tariff further. But this is not going to improve matters much. What is needed is a boost to economic cooperation.

Bangla is rich in gas — about 25 trillion cubic feet, of which 12.6 TCF can be easily exploited commercially. It has already used about 3 TCF. That leaves about 10 TCF. Bangla can export gas to India. But Sheikh Hasina says Bangladesh has no plan to export gas. This is unbelievable. India is keen on Bangla gas for another reason. If a gas pipeline is constructed through Bangla it can serve India to transport gas from Myanmar and Assam. Pakistan can have an extra fee for this. But popular opinion is against supply of gas to India. Begum Khaleda Zia, the opposition leader, calls it a “sell-out” to India.

Now that road service has begun, perhaps the rail link may also be restored. In any case, Bangla is part of the ESCAP-ADB proposed Asian highway and Asian rail link.

It has resisted Islamic fundamentalism. Yet it is very much there. ISI has been trying to export Talibanism to Bangladesh. Will the Awami League be able to resist it? For India, this is the most crucial question. At the OIC meeting in Teheran in 1977 Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia asked: “Are these killers... to be trusted? Are they qualified to create an Islamic state... Why do Arabs and Muslim worlds keep silent with regard to what is going on?” Precisely. We hear nothing from Dhaka to reassure us that it is opposing fundamentalism with enough vigour.

And there is always this question: how is it that whole communities come to adore almost illiterate fellows like Osama bin Laden or a Bhindranwale? Or maniacs like Hitler, Mussolini or Stalin? Unless such people are brought under the judgement of the saner world community, they will continue to crop up. And there is a good reason for it: the world is going through the most stressful period of its history.

I do not see anything “sonar” about Bangla. It is not enough if a country’s topography is beautiful. The soul of the people also must be beautiful.

75 YEARS AGO

March of the Fifth Shahidi Jatha

THE fifth Shahidi Jatha, which started from Lyallpur, passed through Sucha Sauda, Chuharkana, Mandi Chaumkana, Mauza Jhamke, Mauza Dhanat Pura (Chowk Raja) Machhike and Qila Sheikhpura, on its seventh day’s march.

At each place it was accorded a splendid reception, the residents offering it all sorts of refreshments.

On its march, the Jatha was photographed several times. A big religious diwan was held at Qila Sheikhpura from where the Jatha proceeded to Chicho ki Mallian the next day.

Spending the night there, the Jatha continued its march on the ninth day and passing through Mauza Daoka and Dholiana, reached Kot Pindidas where it halted for the night.

As usual, a big diwan was held at Kot Pindidas.

Everywhere the jatha is meeting with most enthusiastic reception.

From Kot Pindidas, the jatha proceeds to Lahore.