The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Faking it
Sham encounters are a shame

ON paper, there is a zero tolerance policy towards human rights violations by security agencies in the country. But the ground reality is quite different. There are enough black sheep in the security forces who kill even innocents to get promotions and rewards. A chilling instance has come to light in Jammu and Kashmir where an SPO and a Territorial Army jawan picked up a mentally challenged youth from Rajouri town, took him to a densely forested area of Surankot tehsil in Poonch district and shot him dead in a fake encounter. Next day’s headlines duly gloated that Abu Usman, a Pakistani national and divisional commander of the LeT, was killed in a joint operation of the police and the Rashtriya Rifles on the night of August 6.

On inquiry, it was found that the accused security personnel had engineered the encounter for promotion and reward. They have been arrested and are being interrogated. Local people have been crying themselves hoarse about similar fake encounters and custodial deaths in various parts of the country. Even if half of these allegations are true, they are a slur on the face of our democracy.

Not only are such inhuman acts cold-blooded murder, but they are also a frontal attack on the reputation of the country. Even one such instance is enough to add grist to the mill of the enemies of the nation that the Indian security agencies are engaged in a systematic pogrom. No amount of welfare deeds manage to wipe out the stigma. Things turn worse when the authorities try to whitewash an act instead of punishing the perpetrators ruthlessly. That lends credence to the allegations that such acts have an official backing. The war against terror can be won only if the common man has faith and confidence in the security forces. The disconnect caused by such inhuman deeds has put paid to the hope of gathering useful intelligence.

A headless PGI
Govt must appoint a director soon

FOR over three months, the Post Graduate Institute of Medical Sciences and Research or PGI, as it is more commonly known, has been without a Director. The decision to appoint a doctor to the post has been hanging fire for the past several months leading to an environment of uncertainty in this institute of high repute. Such a delay is unprecedented in the history of this institute.

The PGI is not just another hospital. It is the region’s premier hospital and medical research institute that caters to patients from all over North India. It also ranks among the top government-run medical institutes of the country, which soon after its inception, became an autonomous body under an Act of Parliament and is functioning under the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. Given the poor quality of healthcare in government hospitals and the limited number of both affordable and quality private hospitals, PGI has for long been serving as the region’s light house for medical care. Considering that good institutions take time to build and require people of calibre and vision, it would therefore be natural to expect the government to ensure that institutions such as the PGI never function ad hoc. Instead, the Union government has been unable to take a decision on the next director for this institute which has been functioning with an acting director since May 1.

The Cabinet Committee on Appointments, which is the appointing authority for the post of director of the PGI, has referred the matter back to the Union Health Ministry for clarifications relating to relaxation in the age bar and objections raised by the National Scheduled Caste Commission on the non-exclusion of candidates belonging to the Scheduled Caste and / or Scheduled Tribe category. While following procedures is understandable, what is needed is a timely decision. Else, such delay only breeds uncertainty, lobbying and intrigue. It further leads to atrophy in decision making that in turn affects the functioning of the institute that has painstakingly been built over nearly half a century and has produced doctors of national eminence and repute. The government must soon take a decision on appointing a director and put an end to this uncertainty.

Thought for the Day

Human beings, vegetables, or cosmic dust — we all dance to a mysterious tune, intoned in the distance by an invisible piper.

— Albert Einstein

ARTICLE

Anna Hazare’s agenda
A close look at political motives
by S. Nihal Singh

WE are now in the second phase of the Anna Hazare show. The first phase evoked much sympathy and public acclaim. Unlike in the case of Baba Ramdev and his almost simultaneous side show, which smacked of extraneous political motives, Anna had struck the heartstrings of a wide variety of people who were offended by the levels of public corruption and were more than willing to lend a hand to the Gandhian leader who pitched his tent in Jantar Mantar and went on a fast to reinforce his plea for a forceful ombudsman in the shape of the Lokpal.

Mr Hazare broke his fast over government assurances of bringing a Lokpal Bill in the monsoon session of Parliament and nominated representatives of civil society, including himself, to talk to a government committee of ministers. Differences on the scope of a Lokpal Bill were obvious in the very first meeting. What Mr Hazare and his pick of members of civil society were proposing would make nonsense of the Constitution and make members of Parliament accountable not to their constituents or to the tenets of the Constitution but to an all-powerful Lokpal who would in effect be above the Constitution.

The main issues of contention were whether the Prime Minister should come within the ambit of the Lokpal and whether members of Parliament would be answerable for their actions in Parliament to the Lokpal, rather than their constituents or the rules governing a parliamentary democracy. Soon it became apparent that no government could accept such provisions although the Prime Minister’s accountability became a political issue to be exploited by the Opposition parties. The government’s contention that such a provision would weaken the central arch of the parliamentary system was not unreasonable, with the proviso that he (or she) would be held accountable for his actions after leaving office, a provision that applies to the executive French presidency, for instance.

But it soon became clear that Mr Hazare was playing political hardball, declaring from the housetops that he would go on fast on August 16, that the government-sponsored Bill was worthless, and when the Bill was introduced in the Lok Sabha, he and his followers burned copies of it outside Parliament, seeking a nationwide burning bonanza and calling it a new struggle for independence. His agitation then was taking on a distinctly political turn and it was becoming increasingly clear that he had a brains trust guiding him on the steps he should take to embarrass the government.

The political motives of Mr Hazare’s agenda become clear from a “referendum” his followers conducted in the Chandni Chowk Lok Sabha constituency of Mr Kapil Sibal, who has acted as the government’s chief spokesman, to show how the people were overwhelmingly against the government’s version of the Bill. There was not even pretence of a scientific basis for the polling. The obvious objective was to pile pressure on the government to do Mr Hazare’s bidding. The Opposition parties, particularly the Bharatiya Janata Party, were more than willing to go along with him for opportunistic reasons although chief ministers in the states the BJP rules are outside the purview of the Lok Ayuktas, ombudsmen at the state level. The party’s poster boy in Gujarat, Mr Narendra Modi, has not thought it necessary to appoint a Lok Ayukta in his state for seven years.

Another poster boy of the BJP, Mr Varun Gandhi, the Lok Sabha MP from Pilibhit, who gained notoriety for his declaration that he would chop off hands raised against Hindus, has now entered the arena by offering his government-given bungalow to Mr Hazare to conduct his fast since he was refused the Jantar Mantar venue by the police authorities. The party spokesman, Mr Rajiv Pratap Rudy, tried to square the circle by suggesting that “the BJP does not agree with Mr Hazare’s style of burning Bills, but we are sympathetic to the feelings he is trying to express”.

How soon or whether people at large will become disillusioned with Mr Hazare’s politicisation of the Lokpal issue remains to be seen. But he has done himself and his cause little service by giving a distinctly political twist to what is essentially a worthy cause. If Mr Hazare and his key followers wish to contribute to the institution of an effective Lokpal, they cannot discard the key attributes of the parliamentary system of government the country has adopted. Nor can they give the impression of ganging up against the ruling Congress party for the benefit of the Opposition.

The Gandhian leader seems to have gone too far to draw back at this stage but he can rescue both his movement and the cause for greater public accountability by the political and bureaucratic establishment by being more sagacious in the proposals he puts forward.

Corruption is a cancer that affects every section of society and bites the poorer sections most acutely. It is right to begin with the ruling elite in the government and outside it but Mr Hazare and his followers must show a sense of proportion and must honour a system of governance freely chosen by the people of India that has served the country well. There cannot be a diktat by one man seeking to nullify the basic tenets of the Constitution.

In the shrillness of the debate on the Lokpal, political parties are in danger of losing the civility that is the hallmark of a democratic polity. The BJP’s decision to make a multi-pronged attack on the Congress-led ruling United Progressive Alliance, irrespective of the harm it might cause to India’s democratic structure, is a short-term expedient. On its part, the Congress has much to answer for in the manner in which the UPA-II has functioned, but the principal Opposition party must give primacy to the country’s interests, rather than gaining short-term advantage, if it is convince the people that it is worthy of governing the country.

Thus far, the BJP has barely surmounted the crisis of party leadership in the Karnataka state it rules. Mr B.S. Yeddyurappa might have triumphed in getting his candidate succeed him as chief minister after he was forced to resign. But the manner in which the party has conducted itself in the mining scam and other misdemeanours in the state is a foil to the anti-corruption flag it is now flying in New Delhi.

MIDDLE

Rakhi Sawant’s dream man
by Ashok Kumar Yadav

WHILE the entire administrative machinery failed to silence the irrepressible Baba Ramdev even by bullets and teargas shells; a cool cupid arrow fired sensually robbed the yoga exponent of his eloquence, and pushed him into a shell. Seemingly perplexed, the man in Baba is yet to respond to the nuptial bid from a drama queen, Rakhi Sawant.

Rakhi’s challenge to win him in an open fairytale “swayamvar”, to the chagrin of many, speaks of the extent to which the never-feel-shy Babe can go to possess the zero-figure hermit and domesticate the loin-clad guru into a compliant husband. The passionate salvo, fired during the promotion of “Gajab Desh Ki Ajab Kahaaniyaan” last month, reminds me of a similar anecdote from the life of another celebrity, George Bernard Shaw. However, there is one difference. While the most beautiful French actress of her times wanted a son, who presumably would inherit her beauty and Shaw’s intellect, Rakhi wants to marry the firebrand guru, finding him hot like Kamdev and rolling with loads of wealth.

Truly speaking, the more I gaze into the romantic trajectory of the indomitable actress, the more I am led to believe in the dictum: “Marriages are made in the heaven, but solemnised on earth.” Otherwise, why should she abandon the Indian heir-apparent for no good reason? Why should she dump daredevil Mikka, and split with the man she declared to marry in a reality show? May be, all what is happening is inspired by a divine mandate: the bombshell is set to explode in the hinterland of the holy Ganges.

Once she is wed-locked, she might possibly get into Baba’s groove of things. She might raise a dedicated women’s army, as an inner security ring, to insulate him from the police. Like him, she too is unstoppable; can land even in forbidden territory, at will. Both seem compatible; made for each other. But it would certainly remain a riddle to discern: who is husbanding whom.

However, Baba’s “maun” is now getting mysterious. Is he under any vow of celibacy like Bhishma Pitamaha? He ought to gird up his loin and break his silence, or, beware; it would break a tiny loving heart. But, sooner or later, I feel, “life force” shall force him to prostrate. Hoofing an age-old tradition, the gutsy bride would one day trot into Patanjali Ashram riding a horse, like a highwaywoman, to abduct her dream man. Imagine, the ceremonial “aarta” being performed by Balkrishan, disguised as a woman, to hoodwink the CBI. Dancing cine stars and Naga sadhus would tremor the holy town into collapsing.

Presumably terrified at the union of two great giants, all Indians conspire to persuade the modern incarnates of Adam and Eve to proceed to Siberia for a prolonged secluded hibernation and create their own civilisation. Unable to see through their stratagem, they set on their matrimonial voyage in search of an oasis in the deserts. Before embarking, however, the bridegroom declared amidst roaring applause that he was no more scared of any midnight assault, since his protection was now the responsibility of their no-nonsense gurumata. She smiled shyly and winked in consent.

OPED — AGRICULTURE

The sustainability of rural livelihood as a way of life, social ethos and culture are at stake in Punjab, making the current rural and agricultural scenario worrisome

Farming dying as a way of life
Satvinder Kaur Mann

Skills are the attributes that strengthen the fibre of a human being, encourage self-help, empower and give confidence to shape a better future for themselves

THE oldest and largest human enterprise, agriculture in Punjab was once a family affair wherein all members remained involved, employed the local labour and a network of services within and adjoining villages thrived along. In addition every household in the village had creative past times like spinning, weaving and making handicrafts. Young girls, women and even men remained busy, when not tending to the fields. Eighty-five per cent of the population was thus fruitfully engaged.

But the rural landscape of Punjab began to change when in the sixties new agricultural production technology, involving input-intensive practices on the pattern of the US were introduced to meet the food grain requirements of the nation. The minimum support price (MSP) and an assured market and other supporting services set in the race for increasing area under food grains.

Punjab was happy basking in the glory of being the number one producer, the highest contributor to the national food grain pool and being the food basket of India. However, the glow of prosperity for the small and marginal faded soon. By the end of the seventies the economic gains started declining and this cereal monoculture became unremunerative and environmentally unsustainable. By 1971, seventy-seven per cent small and marginal farmers, who had formed the backbone of the Green Revolution and agrarian society, were hit the hardest.

Impact of markets

This scenario kept aggravating with accelerated technological developments, the increasing impact of knowledge and opening up of the global markets by the end of the 20th century. Agriculture also became an increasingly knowledge-intensive enterprise as a farm-food-fibre-fuel/energy business chain, where concern for profits dominated. It required supply chain management acumen, which depended on market intelligence, trade policies, tariff barriers. The emphasis increased on quality, nutrition, consumption and health; food safety and issues like bioterrorism, environment and conservation of natural resources had come to dominate. The final onslaught on the agrarian economy of small and marginal farmers was made by the ad-mad world luring them to a consumerist lifestyle and ever-increasing aspirations disturbed the rural households set.

Under these complex and compelling conditions, the 80 per cent of educationally ill-equipped farmers (37% are below matriculation, 24% matriculates, 8% have education up to +2), were not able to reinvent agriculture. Their own liberal outlook and lack of financial discretion recoiled on them with mounting debt and many lost their lands, others sold these to clear the debt and thus got pushed out of farming.

In a recent critical appraisal of 11 villages, carried out by Punjab Agricultural University in the south-western districts of Punjab, of the 162 small and marginal farmers pushed out of farming, 38% joined the labour market, 9% supplied milk, 9% were doing nothing and others opened grocery or consumer goods shops, sold vegetables and sought petty employment. According to Dr G. S. Kalkat, Chairman, Punjab State Farmers Commission, 22 per cent small and marginal farmers have left farming and 37 per cent more are ready to quit. A majority of those who left farming were not happy, found it difficult to cope with the new work culture as it did not conform to their psyche and led them to a self-destructive path, complicating the agrarian crisis.

This is of grave concern because the native hard-working Punjabi farmer and his knowledge is a too valuable an asset to be frittered away. The cultivation practices are region specific, so is the quality of produce and intuitive abilities of the local growers, which are irreplaceable even in the current technology-intensive nature of agriculture.

With the farm economy destabilised, in the confused rural society larger numbers of rural youth are adopting a laid-back attitude and are not interested in farming. Due to inadequate and poor quality education, they are not employable, further compounding the misery. The fallout of all this is rampant drug abuse, loss of the indigenous value system and an increased tendency towards crime. The sustainability of the rural livelihood as a way of life, social ethos and culture are thus at stake in Punjab, making the current rural and agricultural scenario, scary and worrisome.

Genetic potential

Although Punjab has been desperate to reinvent agriculture, make it economically viable for the growers and break the rice-wheat monoculture for the last two decades, any slight reduction in the area under wheat or rice in Punjab sends shivers down the spine of the Centre. The state has continued not only to meet the allocated national food grain production targets but has also invariably exceeded these for the last 40 years. Accordingly, sustenance agricultural research to maintain the yield levels has remained the priority area because constraints continue to arise due to the erosion of the genetic potential of the varieties, co-evolution of pests, degradation of natural resources and the environment.

The crop diversification recommended by the Johl committee since 1988, for a better farm economy, have not taken off, the much-hyped contract farming has failed, the Citrus Council collapsed and the adoption of resource conservation technology is eyewash. The ground realities are disheartening as the onus for the implementation of various subsidised efforts has been pushed on the farmer, who has to coordinate three establishments, soil conservation, horticulture and the erstwhile Punjab State Electricity Board to use drip irrigation technology!

A small farmer is ill-equipped to work with this strange multi-window system and the insensitive dealing hands that make him go in circles and disappoint him. "Agriculture cannot wait" and in the absence of a "single-window system, a majority of the scientific recommendations have thus been lost and so are the benefits which would have accrued from them.

However, in the name of sustainability, all types of high-end agricultural technology, still being promoted in Punjab, will be again self-defeating for the remaining small and marginal farmers. It will prove beneficial for big farmers as was the outcome of the Green Revolution. Mechanisation is important for the economic sustainability of small and marginal farms too, but it has eluded them. Being left out for so long from the mainstream of concerns, a humongous social problem has thus been in the making for quite some time.

The frequent breakdown of the agricultural economy in Punjab in spite of repeated economic reforms should be a serious cause of concern. The empirical efforts of the government have not addressed the issue as to why farmers are repeatedly getting into the vicious circle of debt and social devaluation. The debt trap of the farmer and social devaluation of the agrarian society of erstwhile Punjab were the most discussed topics from 1860 onwards till the irrigation network started giving returns and so it has been for more than two decades now, after the Green Revolution technologies petered out.

Impulses of self-help

The experiences of the past 150 years indicates that economic reforms may not be the only answer; instead an effort to strengthen the "fibre of their being" with proper education, training and appropriate hand-holding to generate the impulses of self-help would be a durable strategy. Government policies for sustainable development of agriculture will only work when people make informed decisions to meet the present needs, without compromising those of our future generations. Education, knowledge and skills are the attributes that strengthen the fibre of a human being, encourage self-help, empower and give confidence to shape a better future for themselves.

An analysis of the post-Green Revolution agrarian crisis has also indicated a much neglected aspect of the human dimensions. In addition, long-term planning, research and policy focus has to be on developing socially inclusive, relevant and environment-friendly technologies to prevent a frequent collapse of the agrarian society. Intensive technologies have been known to be disruptive universally. The New York state in 1910, was the topmost agricultural state in the USA, having 215,597 farms on 22 million acres. In 2003 it fell to the 25th position. By 1997 there were only 32,306 farms on 7.5 million acres, the average farm size having increased from 102 acres to 230 acres. But the small wine farms which maintained their quality, created an indispensable niche market and integrated themselves with industry survived and prospered. Here is an answer to Punjab's problem: develop technology for small farms, grow quality products, create village-based brands and integrate with industry and the market.

Finally, farmers too have to revive the much-needed work culture and reorganise their set-up. "Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan", the slogan of the sixties, gave India the Green Revolution, food security, stability and international recognition and Punjab the stature of being the nation's food bowl. New social status symbols and slogans are required like "Back to the Basics"', "Back to the Farm", "Pride in Self Employment" to move out of the fear that things won't improve.

The writer retired as the Dean, Post-Graduate Studies, PAU, Ludhiana

What should be done

Reinvent agricultural extension to move beyond the Green Revolution technologies. Emphasise the consequences of misuse and mismanagement of technology. Focus on the training of farm families, then assist them to develop viable projects around their own assets to grow niche area products of specialty crops/varieties like coloured cotton for dye-free handloom cloth clusters, specialty chapatti wheat, high carotene containing semolina, spices, herbs, flowers and their extracts etc., as a cottage/small-scale industry and guide them for branding, marketing, finance management and ensure timely corrective interventions for proper economic growth.

The development and popularisation of equipment for small farms that can catch the fancy of youth from these families. Hand-hold the educated youth to set up high-tech small farms for protected cultivation, hydroponic fodder culture, organic farming, tissue culture labs, quality-testing labs, fresh food industry, bio-agent production- trichogramma cards, kitchen vermi compost kits and biopesticide formulations etc.

The common village lands, in which every villager has a share, are controlled by panchayats,. They should develop a cluster of common facilities for (i) quality schools, vocation / skills development centres (ii) facilities for economic activity like primary and some secondary processing, sale outlets, public amenities and recreational facilities to develop agri-farm tourism because domestic consumption is currently the driving force for growth with an increasing population and a burgeoning middle class in India.

Recognise farmers who generate employment for village youth and recognise educated youth interested in farming.