the elections in Punjab, UP, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa coming soon after the farcical debate on corruption in the context of Parliament's fiasco on the Lokpal Bill, some people expected greater pressure on political parties to avoid selecting candidates against whom there was a suspicion of having a criminal background and lack of integrity and honesty in public life. But, alas, this consideration is totally absent. On the contrary, the justification for selecting tainted candidates is being emphasised by the parties concerned. While the BJP, not being in a position to defend the induction of Mr Kushwaha, a former BSP minister of UP, against whom charges of corruption were levelled, sought to justify its action by saying that he was from a very backward caste, without realising that this was no defence. Rather it was an abuse which suggested that criminality was the usual trait of this caste.
Cynically, a similar explanation was given by Mr Mohan Singh, a former spokesperson of Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav's party, for having sponsored the case of Mr D.P. Yadav, known for his criminal background. He sought to justify the SP's decision by saying that his being a history-sheeter has added to his capacity to get votes, and that though such leaders get caught, their communities rally behind them more strongly.
It is unfortunate that these small caste leaders, instead of using caste as a tool for social change in a radical manner to undo the injustice done to them, (as advocated strongly by Dr Ram Manohar Lohia, the late socialist leader), are using it perversely for their own small selfish gains, unmindful of the damage they are doing to the revolutionary fight for the eradication of this evil of casteism. No, I am not against the affirmative action for giving their dues to the Dalits and the other deprived castes; rather I am more for it because one has to atone for the injustices done in the past. As Dr Lohia explained, "Nepotism, jobbery, opportunism, flattery, non-adherence to truth and a tendency to twist doctrines to suit particular motives are some of the traits of Dvija leadership.
"These traits will remain with the Dvijas unless they make a conscious effort to bridge the gulf between themselves and the Dalits. The Dalit, too, has his shortcomings. He has an even narrower sectarian outlook. Once in office, the Dalit tries to perpetuate himself by having recourse to dirty sectarian methods."
How prophetically this description applies to Ms Mayawati's method of building her own statues and getting herself on her birthday weighed in lakhs of currency notes, more in the image of a small chieftain during the British Raj. Why does it not occur to her that her dismissal of about a dozen ministers charged with corruption and incompetence inevitably reflects on her leadership? It also reflects her collusion in all these deals. Would people be wrong to say that either she is so incompetent that she did not know of their corruption, or that she was a party to all these dealings and is now trying to keep a distance as an election strategy?
It is true that we in India are too liberal in finding excuses for the misdeeds of respective caste leaders. We need to break this iron ring of caste. In this context, all political parties need to do self-introspection and heed the warning given by Dr Ambedkar thus, "The second thing we must do is to observe the caution which John Stuart Mill has given to all who are interested in the maintenance of democracy, namely, not 'to lay their liberties at the feet of even a great man, or to trust him with powers which enable him to subvert their institutions'. There is nothing wrong in being grateful to great men who have rendered lifelong services to the country. But there are limits to gratefulness.
"As has been well said by the Irish patriot, Daniel O' Connell, no man can be grateful at the cost of his honour, no woman can be grateful at the cost of her chastity and no nation can be grateful at the cost of its liberty. This caution is far more necessary in the case of India than in the case of any other country. For, in India, Bhakti, or what may be called the path of devotion or hero-worship, plays a part in its politics unlike any other country in the world. Bhakti in religion may be a road to the salvation of the soul. But, in politics, Bhakti or hero-worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship."
Parties still continue to ignore the warning regarding criminal elements in our legislatures given by the Vice-President of India at an all-India whips conference, "Exactly 23 per cent of MPs elected in 2004 had criminal cases registered against them — over half of these cases could lead to the imprisonment for five years or more. The situation is worse in the case of MLAs."
Notwithstanding this, the lists announced by various parties show an agreement among them that the criminal background of a candidate is considered a plus point.
Irrespective of the results of the UP elections, one may regretfully accept that the population of the state is going to remain a victim of the evil of criminalisation and a corruption-ridden government. This is a sad situation for Indian democracy, but without public outrage, things will not improve in the near future.
Lest the bureaucracy draws smug satisfaction from the dirty face of the political class, it may be well advised to critically self-examine the reported reality that the higher bureaucracy in the Finance Ministry is so concerned with the plight of the poor that it has sacrificed its week-end to study this problem at a five-star resort, equipped with facilities of massaging, etc. If true (I have not seen any contradiction) I can only cry out in pain for my country with the Shakespearean refrain in Hamlet's words, "There is something rotten in the state of Denmark (substitute India).n
The writer is a former Chief Justice of the High Court of Delhi.