These signals are a mixture of opposites difficult to understand. However, a single strand runs through all of them — the rising strength of what is termed the ‘Deep State’ in all aspects of governance of Pakistan. The Deep State is as yet struggling to respond adequately to Prime Minister Modi’s surprise gesture of inviting all SAARC leaders, including Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, to the inauguration of India’s new government.
The opposing trends that make the situation difficult to assess are worth recounting. Heading the list is the seemingly stable, democratically elected government with a two-thirds majority, mostly won from the Punjabi heartland to which the majority of the Deep State belongs. The two are at odds on a very basic perception — how to deal with the radicalised thugs of the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), or simply the Pakistan Taliban, who threaten Pakistan’s existence as a state. While Sharif favours negotiations, the Deep State wishes to militarily subjugate them.
Then there is Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) with a majority only in the Frontier province, which contests Sharif’s legitimacy to rule and has a soft attitude towards the TTP. It conducts street protests and accuses Sharif of having rigged the polls.
A maverick west-based cleric whose political mooring in Pakistan is deeply suspect also adds to the road show. Tahirul Qadri’s Pakistan Awami Tehreek hardly enjoys political legitimacy but the cleric returns ever so often as the supposed messiah of the moderate Muslim strain, the Barelvis, and to lend credence to some kind of a counter-movement against radicalism while expounding beliefs which the Barelvis themselves are at odds to understand. He is the favourite of the Deep State, which backs him while curbing Imran Khan because of his soft approach to the radicals. Qadri and Imran Khan’s movements may appear coordinated but actually aren’t, although their common objective is to weaken Sharif’s hold.
The Army is peeved at Sharif’s reluctance to retract the charges of treason against former President General Parvez Musharraf. Some months ago when General Raheel Sharif was appointed the Army Chief over the heads of two seniors it seemed that the ‘Sharif linkage’ had worked as much as the relationship built by Punjab Chief Minister Shahbaz Sharif during General Raheel’s tenure as GOC, 4 Corps, at Lahore. However, nothing seems to have worked and the case against General Musharraf continues while General Raheel Sharif has ensconced himself in the culture of the Deep State.
Behind much of Nawaz Sharif’s discomfiture with the various stakeholders of the confused polity is his avowed intent to improve relations with India. He is often accused of following a personal agenda which involves the Sharif business empire. Yet, he is the legitimately elected head of government. But neither does Imran Khan think that nor does the Deep State want him to follow his agenda. So, where does that leave the political authority? Quite obviously, in the hands of the Deep State led by the army whose interest lies in perpetuating the standoff with India, militarily defeating the TTP and retaining political power from behind. That means the perpetuation of the Sharif government but in a weakened state.
The picture gets even murkier because the TTP, a surrogate of the Afghan Taliban, should be a natural link towards establishing Pakistan’s hold over Afghanistan once the International Security Assistance Force pulls out. But it is battling the Pakistan Army internally to establish a radical state in Pakistan. The only organisations with which the army has a relationship based on a common agenda are the India-focused Jihadi groups, the Lashkar-e-Toiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammad; that is the only clear signal.
The Pakistan Army continues to receive support from the public and grudgingly from the US. The army has its Inter-Service Public Relations to oversee the perception management of the Deep State. The image transmitted to the world is that the Pakistan security establishment is under pressure of the Jihadis and the softness of Nawaz Sharif is preventing their annihilation. While a major part of the army is itself radicalised, the battle against the TTP is helping to prove that the Army is non-radical.
Where does that leave India in its relations with Pakistan? There can be nothing definitive. Any progress on peace with the elected Pakistan Government may well be diluted by the actions of the Deep State, within a few weeks. Everyone in India realises that the real challenge for the new government will come when the Deep State tests its will with a high-profile violent incident. The only way forward appears to be the way things are being currently handled: maintain a positive stance towards the peace process to strengthen democratic forces in Pakistan while continuing to give strong messages to the Deep State, just the way the Indian Prime Minister did at Kargil a few days ago. The balance must be tilted towards the peace process, which is recommencing with the Foreign Secretary level talks on August 25. At the same time, the Indian security establishment must ensure that our security remains foolproof, both at the LoC and in the hinterland.
A meltdown in Pakistan is not in India’s interest and the protagonists of the ‘stable Pakistan theory’ must work overtime to convince their detractors.
(The writer is a former Corps Commander of the
Srinagar-based 15 Corps, and now a visiting fellow with the Vivekanand International Foundation and
Senior Fellow with the Delhi Policy Group)