ARTICLE

North Korea vs the world
Military controlling the levers of power
by P.R. Chari

THE bigger they are, the heavier they fall. This analogy is fully applicable to the embarrassing failure of North Korea’s test launch of its 1,000-kg Kwangmyongsong-3 (Bright Star-3) satellite on the 13th of April. With extraordinary panache, Pyongyang had invited the foreign media to witness this event, intended to be the showpiece of its week-long celebrations to commemorate the 100th birth anniversary of Kim Il-sung, the founder of the nation, and patriarch of the Kim dynasty. Four hours after the test launch North Korea admitted to its failure; apparently, this was caused by structural problems within a minute of the liftoff, which led to the rocket breaking up into four pieces that fell into the sea off South Korea.

North Korea had claimed, straight-faced but improbably, that the satellite was designed to study weather patterns and the distribution of its forests. This required its placement in a low-earth “sun-synchronous” orbit to allow a constant view of North Korea during each pass over its territory. Before the launch North Korea had duly issued the statutory NOTAM (notice to airmen) informing the satellite’s flight path that would take it due south; it would shed its first stage off the western coast of South Korea, and its second stage east of the Philippines.

The United States and its allies had consistently argued this was the launch of a long-range missile and not a satellite. But North Korea stuck to its guns, claiming that a satellite launch was not the same as a long-range missile test and was, therefore, unobjectionable. It is unlikely to bother now with explaining anything further; and, therefore, the failure of its missile/satellite test will leave this issue unresolved.

North Korea had withdrawn from the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 2003. It has not joined the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), or the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR). It deploys short-range and medium-range missiles, and has acquired the capability to enrich uranium and produce weapons-grade plutonium. What North Korea was hoping to achieve by developing three-stage, long-range missiles remains obscure, but it was probably testing its booster rockets to power missiles with an intercontinental reach. Incidentally, its four previous long-range rocket tests since 1998 had uniformly failed; they were, in fact, not tests, but demonstrations of political will to traverse the dual paths of tongjanghun (military-first politics), and juche (self-reliance). Amusingly, the launch of its Bright Star 2 satellite had also failed shortly after liftoff, but North Korea claimed it was circling the earth beaming revolutionary messages.

Political and economic compulsions apart, the relevant question arises: What is North Korea’s technological competence in these areas? Developing nuclear missilery indigenously requires sufficient knowledge of several sciences as also the availability of different technologies. As Jeffrey Lewis, Director of the Monterrey Institute’s East Asia Nonproliferation Programme, notes, rocket launches test “a really complex system using volatile chemicals and (are) subject to extreme shock and vibration. The environment is so unforgiving that even small details are critical. As a result, tacit knowledge is important, even for low-level employees like welders and so forth.” It is apparent that North Korea has isolated itself for too long to permit its developing the knowledge base and technical capabilities by purely indigenous efforts; getting them from clandestine sources has obvious limitations.

Seen from the domestic perspective, the political disaster from this failed satellite launch would be devastating for Pyongyang since this spectacular event was also designed to boost the legitimacy of the rule of 28-year-old Kim Jong Un, who had been anointed leader after the death of his father, Kim Jong Il, in December last year. Apart from the legitimacy issue, there is the question of restoring “face”, very important in the Confucian culture. Speculation is, therefore, rife that North Korea will soon conduct a nuclear test (its third) to deflect attention from the failure of its satellite/ missile launch. Indeed, feverish tunneling at its Punggye-ri test site, where its two earlier nuclear tests had been conducted in October 2006 and May 2009, indicates preparations being made for another nuclear test. The yield from these two earlier nuclear tests of 900 tonnes and 4,600 tonnes of TNT equivalents respectively is indicative of their having ‘fizzled’, and ended in virtual failure. There are plausible technical reasons, therefore, for North Korea attempting a third test.

But a nuclear test would defy Security Council resolutions prohibiting North Korea from conducting such tests. It would also compound Pyongyang’s economic problems, since it had committed itself in end-February to suspend nuclear tests, uranium enrichment and long-range missile tests in exchange for 240,000 tonnes of desperately needed food aid from the United States. Unsurprisingly, this agreement, like its many earlier pledges, has been unilaterally abrogated by Pyongyang. The United States, South Korea and Japan have condemned this breach of faith by North Korea; even China, its only ally in Northeast Asia, has not been supportive, but only called for calm and restraint by all concerned.

What does all this mean for the emerging situation in the region? The US has announced that it is suspending food aid to North Korea, and is conferring with South Korea, Japan and other allies to impose further sanctions on Pyongyang. The expectation is that Russia and China will support these measures, since they had gone along with the UN Security Council condemnation of North Korea’s satellite launch in 2009.

Overall, North Korea’s isolation will deepen. And, what of the domestic scene? Kim Jong Un does not currently possess the control exercised by his father over North Korea’s military leaders. Could they become a fully autonomous power centre with a more unpredictable policy orientation? It also seems unavoidable that the legitimisation of the rule of Kim Jong Un will take a much longer time, especially in a culture which looks askance at bright young men. In the interim period, North Korea will be ruled by its powerful military operating in the background. Kim Jong Un would provide its public face, which should soon become clear.

MIDDLE

Benign, complex and inspired
by P. Lal

The conclave was of “middle” writers.The topic of discussion was: “The middles” The chairman, himself a veteran of 25 years, called the meeting to order, and signalled for the deliberations to start. “Middles derive their name from the Middle Comedy…”, started saying one. Before he could finish, there were shouts: “Explain, explain.”

“Yes,” the former continued, “the Middle Comedy was a style of drama that prevailed in Athenes from 400 BC to 320 BC. It represented a transition from the Old Comedy which presented literary, political and philosophical commentary to the New Comedy with its gently satiric observation of contemporary domestic life.”

“Not at all,” countered another. “A middle article, according to the Concise Oxford Dictionary, is a brief essay of literary kind in weekly or other journals often placed between political articles and book-reviews.”

“ Precisely, this is what my definition meant, too, figuratively,” said the first speaker defending his stand.

“Middles belong to the bygone eras; most of the newspapers have given them a goby; the rest would follow suit,” said one who had mostly been receiving rejection slips.

“No, no,” protested many, almost in a chorus, “ a middle is like a jewel in the crown on the Opinion page; rob it of the middle and the brilliance is gone.”

“Middles lighten the load of the otherwise heavy reading,” remarked one who had been writing light banters.

“How come?” challenged the other. “Some of them make one run to look up a dictionary, consult history books and search on the Internet to discover the hidden meaning.”

“They are insightful, instructive, informative and impart a lesson or two,” declared a decidedly delightful participant.

“They also enliven the mood in the midst of the cacophony of mayhem and murder, floods and fury, rapes and betrayals,” added yet another.

Then stood up a person in his 40’s with a weird look, and spoke thus: “Gentlemen, middles also serve to describe the writer.”

Having got the chairman’s nod to proceed, he propounded: “Middles can broadly be of three types: benign, complex and inspired.”

“Benign are beautiful, plain and simple and so are those who pen them down,” he explained.

“Complex are like the sums of algebra; you solve them and enjoy them,” he elaborated. “They are penned by people who are gusty, go-getter and grandiose.”

“The inspired ones are in the form of imagined conclaves, meetings and conversations; they are like power-point presentations — presentation from an imagined point — though they make forceful reading. Those who write them are moody, imaginative and introvert.”

“These are the broad classifications, but there could be crosses…” he tried to continue.

The chairman cut him short and looked at the audience. There was uneasiness and silence; perhaps, the participants were busy analysing in which category they fell and whether they were a cross…”

The chairman declared: “The theory is a humbug, a pure imagination of the propounder. I dismiss it outright.”

“ I also dismiss the meeting,” he said with a weary look on his face.

OPED — ARTS

Indian textile, global wrap
Discovery of Indian textiles at Egyptian sites has established export of cloth from the 9th to the 17th century. The influence of Indian cottons in Europe had seized the fashion world such that India was virtually clothing the world
Jasvinder Kaur

INDIA has a 4,000-year old history of producing textiles. During most of this time, it had a thriving export market. Although different types of textiles have been traded at different times, the most important has been that of cotton, which was the new fabric that arrived in Europe around the 17th century. Compared to wool and linen that Europe knew, it had its advantages. It was light in weight, comfortable, washable and had bright and fast colours.

From the Indus Valley Civilization, spindle whorls and needles have been found at Mohenjodaro. Romans called Indian cottons ‘woven air’. After the fall of the Roman Empire, cloth continued to flow westward, especially to Iran, Arabia and Egypt. With discoveries at the Egyptian sites of Quseir-al-Qadim and Fustat, it was established that Indian textiles were exported to Egypt from the 9th to the 17th century. These were all from Gujarat. The site of the Red Sea town of Quseir-al-Qadim was used as a harbour in both Roman and Islamic times. Discovery of 68 cotton fragments confirms that block-printed and resist-dyed fabrics were traded. These findings are significant as they confirm antiquity of Indian trade and are samples of early surviving Indian cloth.

By the end of the 15th century, a complex network of trade had spread from Africa to China. India led the world in production of cotton textiles and millions of yards of cloth was exported. The geographical location was ideal for trading to both east and west, exporting to Japan, South-East Asia, West Asia and Europe. The eastern trade followed the barter system. As people had confidence in Indian cloth, this practice continued even after the money system was well established. The antiquity of Indian textile trade to the east is difficult to put down to a date, but there is evidence that it was well established by the 1st century AD. Contacts were over both land and sea. To quantum of trade to the east is also hard to assess, as only European records survive, which have been documented in detail. However, large volumes of textiles were carried by Asian merchants and Asian ships. Textiles have a central role in the ceremonial and ritual life of most Asian societies. As these textiles were essentially for export, they left the shores and remained largely unrepresented in museums in India, but for those in private collections.

History preserved

An exhibition of Indian textiles entitled “Patterns of trade: Indian textiles for export 1400-1900” is currently showing at the Asian Civilization Museum, Singapore (November 15, 2011, to June 3, 2012). It has showcased over 70 textiles that are part of a collection recently acquired by the museum. These date from as early as the 13th century, and trace the history of trade and cultural exchanges. On display are textiles exported to Asia and Europe and many of these textiles have been carbon dated to verify their vintage.

Indian textiles in Southeast Asia became precious heirlooms and were preserved in isolated traditional communities. This exhibition traces the impact of Indian textiles on trade and cultural exchange through four main sections that examine the key production centres in India, key production techniques, markets for their textiles and their wide influence on later designs.

The main production and trade centres were Gujarat and the western Coromandel coast (derived from Cholamandalam or ‘land of the Cholas’) of south-east India. Gujarati ships customarily stopped at eastern ports to collect cloth, which went to many Asian countries, notably Sri Lanka, Burma, Cambodia, Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia, Japan and China.

Resist and mordant-dyed textiles, together with patola or double ikat silk of Gujarat, dominated textile trade to Asia. Predominately, these techniques are showcased at this exhibition. Among the hangings is a patola with elephant design from the late 18th or early 19th century. Such cloths are believed to have been especially commissioned by the Dutch East India Company for gifts. Interestingly, there is another piece shown with a similar design made by Vinayak Salvi in 2005. His is one of the few families remaining who practise this technique. Another patola shoulder cloth has flower basket design, or “chhabdi bhat”. In Java, this design is considered a ‘forbidden pattern’ as it was meant only for royalty. However, imitations of these were made in block-printed cotton (also in India) shoulder cloth. One of them has a VOC stamp that was used by the Dutch East India Company, and therefore dated before 1798.

Among the exhibits are hangings, garments, ritual hangings, ceremonial cloth, and table or floor coverings. The oldest piece is from Gujarat, 13th or 14th century, block printed with three women warriors, and has scenes from stories of brave women, or “nayikas” and carbon dated 1285-1365. Many pieces exhibited have been acquired from Sri Lanka, Indonesia-Java, Sulawesi, South Sumatra, Malaysia, Thailand and Europe. A group of piece goods from Sulawesi are long banners 5-6 m long called “Ma’a by Torajas”, some as old as 600 years. Torajas hang these ceremonial textiles from tall tree-shaped bamboo structures during the course of their rituals to ward off evil spirits. Officiating priests wear them as head cloths. These precious textiles are stored as family heirlooms. As the price of the Indian cloth was high, clubbed with their scarcity, imitations were produced locally. Today they have the same importance in the Sulawesi culture.

Trade to east was dominated by Arab and Indian merchants. Quest for spices drew European traders into the Indian Ocean. By the 16th century, trade controls had passed onto the European trading companies. First the Portuguese, and later the Dutch, the English and the French. While European bullion was worth little to the economies of the East, Indian cloth was well known and commanded a high value. For European companies commercial success in the Indian Ocean trade depended on barter and sale of Indian cloth. In the East, Indian textiles were considered equal to storing wealth and European traders were willing to trade gold and silver for them. They were used for costumes for the royalty, hangings, gift offerings, and were often ascribed magical properties. As they were preserved as heirlooms and were carefully stored, they have survived many centuries.

India craze

Initially, Indian textiles came to Europe as novelties and in small quantities. Later, India emerged as the biggest supplier of high quality cotton textiles. Indian cottons influenced European fashion and India craze seized the fashion world. Printed cottons — chintz, palampore and later yardage material were all exported to Europe. India was virtually clothing the world. Presence of a large volume of printed cottons in Europe by the third quarter of the 17th century and its ever increasing demand played an important role in the development of the European printing industry.

Indian textiles not only affected the patterns of European prints, but initially they also took the technical knowhow. At this time mordant dyeing was unknown in Europe as they printed with a single block using black pigment. Additional colours were added later, none of which were washable. So when cottons arrived with bright colours and a variety of designs, it took Europe by storm. India craze seized the fashion world as Indian cottons penetrated every home by way of furnishing or clothing. There were many attempts in Europe to imitate the Indian cottons. It first started in 1676 when a calico printer William Sherwin took out a patent. From London, the industry spread to Berlin, Bremen, Frankfurt, the Swiss towns of Neuchatel (1688), Lausanne (1698), Geneva (1691) and to many places in France. These printed fabrics came to be known as Indiennes. As more and more Europeans started using Indian cottons, there was resistance in England, France, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. In 1686, France declared a ban on imported chintz in order to save its silk industry.

Mastery of traditional techniques by Indian craftsmen and the capacity of Indian masters to adapt to the needs of different communities made India the biggest producer of textiles. It was commonly said that Indian textiles fade but not tear. India was the biggest supplier of textiles, a position it lost only in the 19th century, when Europe developed faster printing techniques. Let us hope that with India now emerging as a big economic power, we can regain that position not only in textiles but in other fields of business too.

(The writer is a textile researcher who has worked at National Museum, New Delhi, and Musee d’Art et d’Histoire and Musee d’Ethnographie, Geneva, Switzerland)

Caparisoned elephants on Silk patola-double ikat (Gujarat; late 18th or early 19th century)

dyed in heritage Patola follows a technique of double Ikat, where all threads are laid out on a frame and arranged into bundles that are tightly tied with resist-strings or cloth. This prevents the dye from absorption. This procedure is followed with each colour. Both warp and weft are patterned to create a crisp pattern. Silk patola trousers were exclusively used by the nobility in Indonesia and each royal house had its own unique design. Indian dyed fabrics were either Indigo-dyed (blue) or mordant dyed (shades of red) from Morinda, Sappan, Chayroot, etc. Printing is with blocks and painting is with a use of “kalams (pen)”, like in kalamkari. Painted fabric designs are more intricate than block printed.

A cotton block-printed, resist and mordant-dyed hanging depicting women with veena and parrots (Gujarat, 15th to 17th century).

Chintz (from “chitta”, or spotted) were mordant and resist-dyed Indian cottons. Palampore (from “palangposh”, or bed cover) were used as spreads or hangings in Europe. The flowering tree motif is associated with it. In 1734, ship officer M. de Beaulieu recorded the Indian methods of cotton printing. This manuscript with real samples of dyed cloth is preserved at Museum National d’Histoire Naturelle in Paris.