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A new banking alternative
Developing countries to rely less on ADB, World Bank and IMF
Jayshree Sengupta
BY all accounts poor infrastructure is the biggest stumbling block for achieving higher economic growth. Lack of roads, highways, power, ports, airports and water has acted as the main deterrent to attracting foreign direct investment, especially in the South Asian region.The first initiative to address the needs of developing and emerging market economies for infrastructure was the establishment of the New Development Bank by BRICS in Shanghai. This was announced at Fortaleza, Brazil, in July 2014 and marked a paradigm shift in the global financial system towards a new economic order in which the role of the IMF and the World Bank will be considerably diminished. And now the creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) has reinforced the trend. The AIIB was announced October 24, 2014, by China along with 20 other Asian countries which signed the MoU. The bank will be functional from 2015. Undoubtedly China wants to be the global leader in the global financial architecture and has the means to do so. It has huge forex reserves ($3.3 trillion) and has experienced steady growth for more than three decades. In the past, developing countries relied on Asian Development Bank, the World Bank and the IMF for their financial needs which dominated the multilateral lending operations in the world. The IMF and the World Bank especially laid down conditions for their loans given to developing countries which often meant deviating from their own development agenda. Reforms included strict adherence to fiscal deficit goals, privatisation, opening up the economy, cutting subsidies and government expenditure. But today the developing countries are increasingly turning towards China to aid them in their quest for building infrastructure. And China has been helping Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bangladesh in building roads and ports. As for India, the AIIB is going to offer further options and availability of finance for its immense infrastructural needs. India will need $1 trillion for five years beginning 2014-15. The AIIB has all our neighbours as members and also include central Asian countries like Mongolia, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. All need a huge amount of money for infrastructure development and with paid up capital of $50 billion and authorised capital of $100 billion, there is scope for loans for the entire region. Basically the two banks-NDB and the AIIB — will help in creating a new financial architecture that is based exclusively on the development needs of global South. It will be catering to their development goals but the governance and operating principles will naturally take time to be established. Gradually with a much more democratic set-up, the set of 21 countries may wean from the multilateral financial institutions like the IMF and the World Bank and ADB. The World Bank and ADB are of course much bigger and well established. ADB, which has Japan as the biggest stake-holder, has a subscribed capital of $162 billion and the World Bank has $233 billion. Both give loans for diverse projects to governments as opposed to the AIIB, which will lend only and exclusively for infrastructure projects. President Xi Jinping recently said: “I believe the setting up of the AIIB will be an enrichment of existing multilateral institutions. We have to learn from the World Bank and ADB and other existing multilateral development institutions their good practices and useful experiences”. But there is no doubt that the AIIB is set to give competition to the World Bank dominated system. What has united the developing countries is the fact that the IMF has not undertaken reforms in its voting rights and quotas that BRICS demand. Under the IMF quota system, each member country is assigned a quota or monetary contribution that is supposed to reflect the country’s relative size in the global economy as measured by GDP. The quota also determines each member country's voting power. After the reforms the IMF's quota would double to $720 billion but the developed economy's quota and voting power would fall. BRICS gave the IMF $75 billion for quota reforms in 2010 (with India contributing $10 billion) which have not taken place to date. If reforms do take place, China would become the third largest quota holder at the IMF and Brazil, Russia and India would all become top 10 quota holders. The AIIB will have voting rights based on benchmarks which will be a combination of GDP and purchasing power parity. Based on these China and India will be the biggest stakeholders. Since the AIIB has been perceived as a challenger of the two Bretton Woods institutions (IMF and World Bank), US Secretary of State John Kerry asked Australia to abstain from joining. Indonesia and South Korea as well as Japan also were absent from the group of 21. Considering India’s immense infrastructural needs, the AIIB has opened a fresh window for financing in which there will hopefully be fewer conditions and hassles. All other less developing countries will also be able to access loans easily which will help them strengthen their infrastructure which in 2012 required an estimated $8 trillion. Clearly, the developing countries are joining hands to create banks of their own and will have less to do with the monetary policies of the US and the stranglehold of the IMF and the World Bank on their economies. As a group, the AIIB will be powerful in leveraging funds from global financial markets and in general avoid the turmoil in the financial markets due to changes in the US monetary policy, especially important in the aftermath of the global financial crisis.
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A requiem for the Berlin Wall
The most seductive chapters in our history are the ones where autocratic regimes, while pursuing their authoritarian agenda, bandied about the 'expression' of democracy.
As Europe celebrates the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, it is a reminder of one such chapter
Rajvinder Singh

People wait in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin on Sunday. Reuters

The Berlin Wall at the Brandenburg Gate on November 10, 1989. Pieces of the broken wall were displayed at museums later in London, New York and Paris. |
ON 9th November, Europe, and particularly reunified Germany, celebrated the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. The event reminds us yet again how pernicious for common people the ideological divide leading to the cold war had been under which the world, for most of the 20th century, suffered. But fortunately, the event also reassures our faith in the peaceful exercise of peoples' power.Amongst numerous junctures of history, the most seductive ones have been those where autocratic regimes in the last century, while pursuing their authoritarian agenda, have spuriously bandied about 'democracy,' as if they were reading out from a screenplay. In reality though, by repeatedly and self-indulgently calling their States 'democracies', yet in practice denying their people even the grant of fundamental minimum freedom in their day- to- day- life, these regimes had long engaged in preposterous hyperboles thereby perpetuating peoples' woes, and their own misdirection. German Democratic Republic, also known as East-Germany or GDR, was one such nation which ceased to exist on 3rd October 1990. It was a product of two historical realities. Blame it on history The first being the defeat of aggressive expansionism and totalitarianism of Hitler, whose aim it had been to create a new German state that would encompass most of Europe, at the hands of Allied Forces comprising the British Empire (including lakhs of Indian forces), the USSR and the USA. Hitler's rise was the result of the 1929 economic collapse of Wall Street, resulting in eight million German workers losing their jobs. Until then Hitler, a former corporal in the First World War; a failed painter, and an ambitious strategist, was considered to be a non-entity. Only after the recession and economic crash, directly or indirectly affected over 35 million Germans, creating economic devastation and spiralling inflation, anger and frustration that went with it, had the polity prepare a ground to give his ideas a chance. The second being the backlash of ideological conflict resulting in a prolonged cold war in Europe between the Soviet Union led 'East' on the one hand, and the USA and UK led 'West' on the other. The Berlin Wall became its most visible symbol. The iron curtain People who have not seen it in person, fail to realise, there had been two different walls or borders: One a 850 km long national boundary, a combination of fence and wall between the West-German and East-German states, and the other, more visible, the Berlin Wall, that had divided the city into West-Berlin and East-Berlin, and stood some 200 kilometres inside East-Germany. This monstrous edifice measuring 155 kms long and 3.2 to 4.5 meters high ring which had characterised the divided image of the city and visibly surrounded West-Berlin as an 'island of freedom', which Tom Wolfe had described as "obviously one of the historical epicentres of the twentieth century, this fantastic, medieval wall built in the mid-twentieth century dividing a city, a whole country in two, literally dividing brothers and sisters from brothers and sisters on the other side," had challenged the humanity day in and day out. In all its menacing, repressive glory the Wall had rendered here a boy stuck in East-Berlin with his mother and sister, while his father ended up in the West. It cleaved the city just as it had divided families. Geographic division After the end of the WWII in May 1945, Germany was divided into four allied occupation zones. Its capital Berlin, which was located deep in the Soviet zone, was also divided into four zones. After the Allied powers in their post-war treaty talks failed to agree on the future status of Germany, the three western powers decided, in 1948, to unite their occupation zones into one autonomous state called Federal Republic of Germany. Annoyed, the USSR blocked all land routes to West-Berlin, hoping the western powers would abandon West-Berlin. Instead, the USA and UK launched a massive airlift of food supplies and fuel into the city lasting for months and forcing the Soviets to end the blockade in May 1949. By 1961 the cold war propaganda of the West supported by Marshal Plan investments on the one hand and the life under communist regime on the other caused widespread dissatisfaction among East-Germans. It resulted in mass exodus, at an average of some 2000 East-Germans; professionals, skilled workers and intellectuals daily into West-Berlin, amounting to 2.5 million people leaving GDR. This loss exerted a devastating effect on the East-German economy. On the night of 12th August 1961 the authorities reacted with immediate closing of the access points between East and West Berlin, laying down more than 30 miles of barbed wire through the heart of the city. Western threats of trade sanctions failed to have any impact on the Eastern resolve. It was on 15th August 1961, people in the East-Berlin were robbed of their freedom, as the barbed wire was now being replaced by a concrete wall up to 15 feet high, officially to "protect the East-German citizens from the pernicious influence of decadent capitalist culture". The walls were guarded with watch towers, machine gun emplacements, and mines. About 5000 East-Germans managed to escape across through a number of creative means, but thousands were captured while trying to flee, and 191 were shot or killed by accidents. Appearances and the truth Although the East-German state was called the German Democratic Republic, it was neither a democracy nor a republic, and had alienated its citizens. The GDR appeared to be an experimental state, whose microcosm we can visualise as best represented by an academic institute, where the academic research projects would stand for the socialist project that the GDR state truly embodied. But as a sovereign political entity as state, it lacked the dynamics of emotional and social relationships among people, whose dominant pragmatic lore can be seen represented in or compared to a sterile institutional dynamics. But how could a sense of patriotism prevail among people if they remained confined within walls where they wouldn't be allowed to travel outside the East bloc countries, fearing they might 'turn their backs on their country to never return? That level of state cowardice was staggering. In the subjectivity of everyday life, the objective world which the people in the GDR immediately experienced, like in its mentor state USSR, was in sharp contrast to the world projected as the distinguished and superior world, as projected in Marxism and Leninism. The Russian shift In the meantime, Gorbachev become the head of USSR in 1988 and realised the appalling state of Soviet economy and was passionately convinced of the need of widespread reforms. That involved the relaxation of rigid policies pertaining to the people and their work. This was perceived in Germany as a prospective opportunity towards reunification, or at least for travel relaxations. In the summer of 1989 many East-German tourists in Hungry occupied German and Austrian embassies and demanded permission to go to these countries. Soon mass demonstrations began to be held in the GDR. Erich Honecker (General Secretary, Socialist Unity Party) had to resign. Ultimately, on the night of 9th November, 1989, as the demonstrations achieved their peak in East-Berlin and in Leipzig, the check points to the West were thrown open. Soon people began to tear down the Wall. Fall of the wall The Wende, as the fall of the wall leading to the German reunification is popularly called, had led to a gush of many intellectual voices seeking an immediate re-conceptualisation of their nation as a new, alternative political entity, which, they wanted should neither be communist nor a capitalist nation. But within months the popular majority tilted towards reunification powerfully pleaded and planned by Chancellor Helmut Kohl, and got dissolved into the stronger West. Earlier in 1988, as 2nd President of the Berlin Writers Association then in the western part of the Berlin, I, along with my two German colleagues, was entrusted by the Cultural Ministry of the State of West-Berlin to organise East-West Germans Writers Meet, which was agreed between Chancellor Helmut Kohl and the East-German leader Erich Honecker. We had a year's immunity to negotiate with the writers on the eastern side, which I had used by undertaking elaborate trips to understand the people and their plight. That event, the first ever such meet between the East and West German writers, took place in April 1989 in West-Berlin. In the concluding Press Conference I stated, that from what I have seen, experienced and discussed with people and writers in the East, this Wall would not last long. Six months later it had come true. On 3rd October 1990 the official celebration of German Reunification took place in the historic Reichstag, to which the then President of the German Parliament, Dr Rita Süsmuth, invited me and my colleagues as special
guests.
Timeline
- Aug 13, 1961: The border between East and West Berlin is closed and barbed wire and fencing is erected; concrete appears two days later. The wall would eventually grow to be a 96-mile barrier encircling West Berlin.
- Aug 15, 1961: Conrad Schumann, a 19-year-old East German border guard, was the first
person photographed escaping to West Germany. About 10,000 people attempted escapes, and 5,000 succeeded.
- Aug 24, 1961: Gunter Litfin, a 24-year-old
tailor's apprentice, was the first person shot dead trying to escape.
- Aug 19, 1989: The 'Pan-European Picnic' — a peace demonstration at the Hungarian town of Sopron on the Austrian border - turns into an exodus when Hungarian border guards hold their fire as 600 East German citizens flee to the West.
- Nov 9, 1989: The Berlin Wall falls. The East German government announces that visits in West Germany and West Berlin are permitted. Thousands of East Berliners pass into West Berlin as border guards stand by.
The writer was Poet-Laureate in Germany between 1997-2008 and has published 14 anthologies of poetry
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