PM Modi-Xi Jinping’s bilateral meet at 25th SCO Summit signals tactical civility, not strategic reset

The bilateral meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the 25^th SCO Summit in Tianjin marked a calculated thaw in relations, underscored by tactical civility and the need for managed contestation—rather than any structural reset.

Meanwhile, the summit itself revealed how India and China manoeuvre the shifting power dynamics of Eurasia, using multilateral platforms to project autonomy, reinforce red lines, and shape regional narratives amid persisting friction.

Both leaders leaned on the language of civilisational harmony. Xi’s “dragon and elephant” unity reference and Modi’s link of bilateral cooperation “to the interests of 2.8 billion people of our two nations” struck conciliatory chords. However, beneath the diplomatic veneer remains entrenched mutual distrust, shaped by border provocations and contested sovereignty (such as China’s CPEC push through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir into Afghanistan).

Beijing’s metaphors invoke unity and multipolarity, yet India must read these as rhetorics for real politics, where China leverages connectivity and economic dependence as pressure points, even as it resumes Shipki La border trade and restores direct flights for stronger people-to-people ties. India’s refusal to move past Galwan without disengagement reflects a newfound resolve: normalisation is contingent on China respecting the Line of Actual Control (LAC), making the current engagement a win for Indian leverage.

Modi-Xi bilateral: Choreographed civility, persistent rivalry

The Tianjin summit showcased both choreography and divergence: Modi, Xi, and Putin’s display of unity projected Eurasia’s rising heft, challenging Western-led orders amid the shadow of Trump’s tariffs. China in particular used its agenda-setting presidency to push for regional solidarity and multilateral reform, but India countered by calling out selective ethics—refusing to endorse communiqués that glossed over terrorism and sovereignty issues.

PM Modi remarked that India’s approach to the SCO rests on the pillars of security, connectivity, and opportunity. On security, he underscored that peace and stability are fundamental to development, but the region continues to face threats from terrorism, separatism, and extremism.

PM Modi firmly stated that terrorism is a universal danger—one that no nation or society can ignore—and called for united efforts within the SCO to combat this menace. The inclusion of a strong condemnation of the Pahalgam attack in the SCO Tianjin Declaration marks a significant shift in the organisation’s recognition of India’s concerns about terrorism and highlights India’s growing influence within the SCO. Until recently, India refused to back a SCO Defence Minister-level joint communique that omitted mention of Pahalgam—while selectively referencing threats in Balochistan—which was a clear signal of India’s insistence on consistency and the need to address all terror incidents without double standards.

By embracing India’s position and echoing its demand for unequivocal condemnation, SCO member states now demonstrate not only a realisation of New Delhi’s importance in regional security debates but also an effort to placate Indian sensitivities. This development indicates a diplomatic recalibration: the SCO, led by China, recognises that ignoring India’s priorities risks undermining the group’s unity and effectiveness.

Furthermore, the inclusion of Politburo member Cai Qi by way of his bilateral meeting with Modi signals a tactical de-escalation. Still, deep drivers—military buildups, economic coercion, and the absence of institutional trust—remain unaddressed. The “warmth” witnessed is better seen as cyclical, echoing managed contest driven by convergent need for stability and divergent strategic aims.

India-China power play: Coexistence, not convergence

At the SCO Summit, India made it clear through Prime Minister Modi’s remarks that its engagement with the SCO—and with China and Russia—serves as a demonstration of strategic autonomy, especially amid tumultuous global trade conditions such as the US’ imposition of 50 per cent tariffs on Indian goods. Modi’s emphasis on SCO-RATS for counterterrorism cooperation, and his assertion that connectivity is pursued with respect for sovereignty, and opportunities are to be harnessed through fair trade and sustainable growth.

In contrast to China’s push for high-profile Belt and Road and connectivity initiatives, Modi underscored that India’s participation in multilateral frameworks is principled and independent, not subordinate to Beijing’s strategic calculus.

Xi Jinping extolled the virtues of mutual benefit, ‘win-win’ development and regional consolidation through the Belt and Road, positioning China as the provider of regional development and infrastructure—yet India made clear that projects infringing upon its sovereignty, such as BRI in PoK, remain unacceptable, foregrounding India’s refusal to endorse select SCO communiqués glossing over such concerns.

The Summit thus revealed two distinct trajectories within the SCO: China’s ambition to anchor Eurasian cooperation and offer infrastructure as a binding force, and India’s resolve to remain sovereign terms of engagement, while not allowing Western pressure—such as those tariffs—to force any shift into China’s strategic orbit.

Modi’s remarks signal that New Delhi will neither let US pressure limit its diplomatic choices, nor let China define its multilateral role, asserting a vision of autonomy, security, and fair growth at the heart of its Eurasian strategy.

India’s posture at the SCO—participation without acquiescence—demonstrates how New Delhi leverages Eurasian forums not for alliance, but to frame and rebuke selective strategic ethics. Beijing’s use of ‘friendship’ and ‘development opportunity’ language coexists with hard-nosed pursuit of connectivity and agenda control.

India resists both US pressure and Chinese expectations, navigating the multipolar world by refusing grand bargains and keeping manoeuvring room visibly open to all. In sum, the SCO Summit’s symbolism may be exceeding its substance, exposing the limits of Eurasian convergence while revealing the growing sophistication of Indian diplomacy vis-à-vis China—principled, pragmatic, and fiercely protective of its security and status.

(The writer is the Director of the Organisation for Research on China and Asia (ORCA) in New Delhi, specialising in Chinese politics and foreign policy)